‘the Downright Torture of Women’: Moral Lobby Women, Feminists and Pornography

Abstract

Apparent alliances between moral campaigners and certain feminists in opposition to pornography have been the subject of discussion both in the United States and in Britain. Drawing on a wider study of the views of women in British moral and profamily organisations, this article examines the attitudes of such women to pornography. It then compares these views with those of anti-pornography feminists, commenting in particular on the moral reasoning underlining different perspectives. Attention to moral reasoning, it is argued, helps to further explicate the charges of alliance' between the moral lobby and anti-pornography feminists, even where such alliance is neither sought or desired. The potential difficulties and uses of an assessment of pornography as`moral' concern for the development of feminist ethics are then considered. Finally, the apparent willingness of moral lobby women to express support for anti-pornography feminists is examined. The article concludes by suggesting that this support reflects both complexities of gender identification amongst moral lobby women, and, crucially, power imbalances between antipornography feminists and the moral lobby rooted in the institutionalisation of heterosexuality. The implications of these findings for sociologists and for feminist theory and activism are outlined.Pornography has been one of the most controversial topics of feminist activism and theory in recent years. The divisions amongst British feminists on pornography have been a well-documented feature of feminist activism during the 1990s. In contributing to the growing literature about these debates, my aim is somewhat different from many previous commentators. The reflections I present here have their origins in a wider research project about the views of women involved in British moral and pro-family campaign groups, 1 and in particular these women's relationship to feminist ideas and activism (Luff, 1997). This research was informed by feminist perspectives, and aimed to explicate the gender perspectives of women who have been characterised as clearly and publicly opposed to women's liberation. Throughout I was concerned to look at the dynamics between apparently oppositional social movements. In particular, I was intrigued by charges that some moral and profamily groups had allied themselves with certain feminists in opposition to

The Widening Gender Gap in Opposition to Pornography, 1975–2012

“…Religious conservatives are one of two groups that commonly oppose pornography, along with a subset of feminists, although these two groups differ in their antipornography rationales (Cowan et al 1989; Luff 2001; Waltman 2010). Conservative Protestants in particular often express moral opposition to pornography, driven in part by the concern that the immoral nature of pornography is socially contagious (Sherkat and Ellison 1997).…”

The Widening Gender Gap in Opposition to Pornography, 1975–2012

“…Religious conservatives are one of two groups that commonly oppose pornography, along with a subset of feminists, although these two groups differ in their antipornography rationales (Cowan et al 1989; Luff 2001; Waltman 2010). Conservative Protestants in particular often express moral opposition to pornography, driven in part by the concern that the immoral nature of pornography is socially contagious (Sherkat and Ellison 1997).…”

Pornography and Rhetorical Strategies - The Politics of Public Policy

“…Unlike their working-class counterparts they were safely immune from the corrupting influence of pornography (Abbinnett, 1998: 128-9;Kipnis, 1998: 175). Although these more obvious aspects of class power and hypocrisy surrounding matters of pornography and sexuality have eroded over the course of the 20th century, the agenda of moral conservatism is still a major factor in political debates about pornography (Luff, 2001;McNair, 1996: 49). The moral conservative agenda that emerges here around class and pornography extends into wider concerns with sexual identity and practice, and the attempts of state institutions to discipline the domestic populace into what Foucault has termed 'docile bodies'.…”

Queers, dinosaurs and citizens: A review of Rethinking Sexuality by Diane Richardson

“……”

The Widening Gender Gap in Opposition to Pornography, 1975–2012

“…Religious conservatives are one of two groups that commonly oppose pornography, along with a subset of feminists, although these two groups differ in their antipornography rationales (Cowan et al 1989; Luff 2001; Waltman 2010). Conservative Protestants in particular often express moral opposition to pornography, driven in part by the concern that the immoral nature of pornography is socially contagious (Sherkat and Ellison 1997).…”

Pornography and Rhetorical Strategies - The Politics of Public Policy

“…Unlike their working-class counterparts they were safely immune from the corrupting influence of pornography (Abbinnett, 1998: 128-9;Kipnis, 1998: 175). Although these more obvious aspects of class power and hypocrisy surrounding matters of pornography and sexuality have eroded over the course of the 20th century, the agenda of moral conservatism is still a major factor in political debates about pornography (Luff, 2001;McNair, 1996: 49). The moral conservative agenda that emerges here around class and pornography extends into wider concerns with sexual identity and practice, and the attempts of state institutions to discipline the domestic populace into what Foucault has termed 'docile bodies'.…”

Queers, dinosaurs and citizens: A review of Rethinking Sexuality by Diane Richardson

“……”

The Widening Gender Gap in Opposition to Pornography, 1975–2012

“…Religious conservatives are one of two groups that commonly oppose pornography, along with a subset of feminists, although these two groups differ in their antipornography rationales (Cowan et al 1989; Luff 2001; Waltman 2010). Conservative Protestants in particular often express moral opposition to pornography, driven in part by the concern that the immoral nature of pornography is socially contagious (Sherkat and Ellison 1997).…”

Pornography and Rhetorical Strategies - The Politics of Public Policy

“…Unlike their working-class counterparts they were safely immune from the corrupting influence of pornography (Abbinnett, 1998: 128-9;Kipnis, 1998: 175). Although these more obvious aspects of class power and hypocrisy surrounding matters of pornography and sexuality have eroded over the course of the 20th century, the agenda of moral conservatism is still a major factor in political debates about pornography (Luff, 2001;McNair, 1996: 49). The moral conservative agenda that emerges here around class and pornography extends into wider concerns with sexual identity and practice, and the attempts of state institutions to discipline the domestic populace into what Foucault has termed 'docile bodies'.…”

Queers, dinosaurs and citizens: A review of Rethinking Sexuality by Diane Richardson

“……”