The Ascendancy of the Party in Public Office: Party Organizational Change in Twentieth‐Century Democracies

Abstract

Concerned with the development of party organizations in twentieth‐century democracies, and deals specifically with the shifting balance of power between what has earlier been termed the three organizational ‘faces’ of party: the party on the ground, the party in central office, and the party in public office. An evaluation is made of the changing balance among these three faces in the context of four models of party organization: the cadre (or elite) party, which was the dominant form of party organization prior to mass suffrage; the mass party, which emerged with, or in anticipation of and to militate for, mass suffrage, and which was widely regarded, particularly in Europe, as the ‘normal’ or ‘ideal’ form of party organization for most of the twentieth century; the catch‐all party, development towards which was first commented upon in the literature in the 1960s, and which has come to rival the mass party not only in prominence but also in the affections of many analysts; and finally, what is called here the cartel party, a new and emerging model of party organization, which Katz and Mair believe to be increasingly evident among established democracies in recent years. In tracing the shifting balance of power among the three faces and across the four models of party organization, the authors contend that the most recent stage of development has resulted in the ascendancy of the party in public office, and the concomitant ‘relegation’ or subordination of the other two faces. Moreover, while parties on the ground sometimes continue to flourish, they suggest that the ostensible empowerment of party memberships, or even their greater autonomy, may nevertheless, be compatible with an increased privileging of the party in public office. Finally, both the sources and implications of party organizational change are briefly discussed, and it is suggested that there is an association between the most recent shifts in the internal balance of intra‐party power, on the one hand, and the apparent growth in popular feelings of alienation from parties, on the other.

New forms of political participation. Changing demands or changing opportunities to participate in political parties?

“…The law of curvilinear disparity (May, 1973) -which held that party activists are more ideologically extreme than party supporters -was more or less taken for granted. 1 One could argue that party elites let the party-on-the-ground drift (Katz and Mair, 1995;Katz and Mair, 2002).…”

The Selection of Party Leaders in Northern Ireland

“…5 In terms of its selectorate the DUP would, therefore, be positioned at the more exclusive or closed end of our inclusivity continuum. The power of selection rests in the hands of a small number of elected representatives or the 'party in public office' (Katz and Mair, 2002) (see Figure 1.1). Prior to a rule change in 2013 this grouping was smaller still, with only Assembly members afforded selection rights.…”

“…Those in the party, for instance, referred to the importance of an annual mandate from the party membership for the leader's standing and legitimacy within the party. 24 A full membership vote is often an important point of reference for a party leader and a useful tool with which to dispel potential challengers and silence critics (see Quinn, 2005: 807;Cross and Blais, 2012: 179;Katz and Mair, 2002). Current UUP leader, Mike Nesbitt, has, for instance, pointed to the 81% share of the vote he achieved in 2011 as a clear endorsement of his leadership by the party rank-and-file.…”

La corrupción política en la República Dominicana y la entronización del partido cartel

“…Se destaca la impunidad imperante en el país ante los casos de corrupción sostenido por el carácter neocorporativo del sistema político mediante la entronización del PLD como una organización partido/ Estado que controla todos los estratos de la función pública. La autora plantea que ello permite la impunidad de los actos de corrupción y el trasvase a otras funciones administrativas de los funcionarios implicados en actividades de corrupción, frente a un sistema judicial disfuncional, un prevalente sistema de prevaricación y prebendas, y un electorado cautivo sostenido mediante nóminas supernumerarias y subvenciones estatales de carácter populista y clientelar.Palabras clave: República Dominicana, corrupción política, impunidad, partido cartel, PLD Katz and Mair's model (1995, 1996, 2002, 2009 …”

“…Palabras clave: República Dominicana, corrupción política, impunidad, partido cartel, PLD Katz and Mair's model (1995, 1996, 2002, 2009 …”