Social Metabolism, Ecological Distribution Conflicts, and Valuation Languages

Martínez-Alier, Joan; Kallis, Giorgos; Veuthey, Sandra; Walter, Mariana; Temper, Leah

doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2010.09.024

Cited by 208 publications

(60 citation statements)

References 45 publications

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“…RDF is a good example of distributional concerns linked to techno-optimism trends. Sacrifice zones host only the most polluting stages of the waste-to-energy process-especially waste incineration-whereas more affluent areas produce most of the waste and consume most of the energy (Martinez-Alier et al, 2010). Thus, struggles against waste incineration in cement plants bring together political ecologies of waste, energy, and even the built environment, in places where the political power of the community is not easily visible.…”

Section: Environmental Justice and Waste Incineration: A Brief Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Wasting Democracy, Fueling Dissent: Refuse-Derived Fuels in Can Sant Joan (Catalonia)

Cayuela

Turhan

2019

Front. Energy Res.

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The cement industry is one of the most energy intensive in the world, contributing significantly to global greenhouse gas emissions. The use of refuse-derived fuels (RDF) in cement kilns is increasingly portrayed as a sustainable solution to reduce emissions while dealing with different types of waste. Nevertheless, the use of RDF in cement plants is contested by communities around the world, who are facing immediate environmental impacts. In this article, we examine the burgeoning movement against waste incineration in cement kilns legitimized as energy recovery. We start by revisiting the environmental justice literature, which laid the groundwork for the contemporary anti-RDF movement. Then, in order to highlight the energy dimension of RDF we focus on two energy-related concepts: energy justice and energy democracy. Through the case study of Can Sant Joan (Catalonia), we assess the suitability and usefulness of these concepts with the local movement against waste incineration. Our analysis suggests that the movement against RDF use can be further energized and strengthened by expanding into the realm of energy democracy. Both the anti-RDF and the energy democracy movement share a focus on the local scale, have similar typology of stakeholders involved, and favor a strong bottom-up approach while paying attention to unequal power relations. We also observe that these movements can mutually benefit from being better integrated with one another. Finally, we propose that a potential alliance between the Plataforma Antiincineració de Montcada i Reixac (PAMiR) and the Xarxa per la Sobirania Energètica (Xse) in Catalonia, can mobilize fruitful internal tensions toward a more inclusive and democratic future.

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Section: Environmental Justice and Waste Incineration: A Brief Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Wasting Democracy, Fueling Dissent: Refuse-Derived Fuels in Can Sant Joan (Catalonia)

Cayuela

Turhan

2019

Front. Energy Res.

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“…A more elaborate definition has been proposed by Paredis et al [2009] whilst Thara Srinivasan et al [2008] have attempted to quantify the ecological debt from North to South. At the political level this has been articulated specially in climate change discussions; it was initially proposed in the Rio Summit in 1992 and has been increasingly used by heads of government and ministers of poor countries demanding 'reparations' [Martinez-Alier et al, 2010]. Biopiracy is another concept emerging from activism.…”

Section: From Activism To Sciencementioning

confidence: 99%

From activism to science and from science to activism in environmental-health justice conflicts

Conde¹

2015

JCOM

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Knowledge is not static or unique. It can be exchanged between activists, academia and policy circles: from science to activism and from activism to science. Existing scientific knowledge is being used by activists to expose wrongdoings or improve practices and knowledge in environmental and health conflicts. Activists can either adopt scientific knowledge and data in their own argumentations or produce new scientific knowledge either by becoming scientists themselves or in co-operation with experts. Local and scientific knowledge is being combined to challenge government policies and the knowledge produced by corporate actors. Also explored is the figure of the expert-activist; with scientists becoming activists and vice versa, the boundaries between activists and scientists are increasingly blurry. Abstract IntroductionScientific knowledge has traditionally been seen as supporting hegemonic political forces and actors. Through the invisible role of expertise assumed by scientists and academic institutions, science and technology act as political agents in the relations between the state, big corporations and local groups.But scientific knowledge doesn't always favour strong corporate actors. It can also be used or constructed by lay people; practitioners, NGOs or local groups to expose wrongdoings or improve practices and knowledge. Lay people become activists that can use existing scientific knowledge for their own purposes, produce new scientific knowledge as well as combine local and scientific knowledge. In order to produce this new knowledge, (traditional) scientists are collaborating with lay people either as consultants or becoming activists themselves.

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“…On the other hand, they often evoke conflict, greed and grievance as opportunities for some may mean disturbances for others (Mining, Minerals and Sustainable Development Project 2002;Hilson 2002;Bebbington et al 2008a;Stevens et al 2013;Franks et al 2014). With advancing resource frontiers and the concomitant disturbances of local social-ecological systems (Martinez-Alier 2002;Bridge 2004a;Martinez-Alier et al 2010;Schaffartzik et al 2016), we witness the intensification of resistance against new extractive projects worldwide (Bridge 2004b;Bebbington et al 2008a;Bebbington et al 2008b;Bebbington and Bury 2009;Temper et al 2015;Conde 2017;Avcı 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Reactions to mining are highly heterogenous and hinge on factors related to the given project, community, company and state (Bridge 2004b;Bebbington et al 2008b;Avcı et al 2010;Le Billon et al 2016;Schaffartzik et al 2016;Conde 2017;Conde and Le Billon 2017;Carvalho 2017;Walter and Urkidi 2017;Horrocks-Taylor 2018). Notwithstanding varying specific conceptualisations, conflicts are generally understood as expressions of resistance (Martinez-Alier 2002;Escobar 2006, Bebbington et al 2008bMartinez-Alier et al 2010;Avcı et al 2010;Conde 2017;Conde and Le Billon 2017). Through resisting the interdependences and uncertain future that mining entails, local actor groups seek to re-establish order in their communities (Urkidi 2010;Tiainen et al 2014;Walter and Urkidi 2017;Conde 2017;Avcı 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Shades of Conflict in Kyrgyzstan: National Actor Perceptions and Behaviour in Mining

Ocaklı

Krueger

Niewöhner

2020

International Journal of the Commons

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Confronted with advancing resource frontiers, local communities increasingly rely on conflict to re-establish order in the face of problematic interdependences brought about by mining transactions. This article captures the interactions at national level that engender these interdependences in the first place. We explore how national actor groups influence emerging regularities of behaviour in mining through the example of gold mining in Kyrgyzstan-a fragile resource-dependent country divided by mining conflicts. For the analysis of these emerging patterns of behaviour, we focus on shared beliefs and norms that in interaction with perceived dimensions of transactions provide motivation to act. The identified regularities of behaviour help differentiate the otherwise crude dichotomy of conflict and cooperation, pointing to shades of conflicts. Mining conflicts in Kyrgyzstan are driven by profound structural factors that are rooted in weak governance, lack of institutional trust and limited cooperation across national actor groups. Risks and costs are distributed to outgroups, threatening the local social-ecological systems and further fragmenting Kyrgyz society. If extraction continues in the current mode of governance, resource-based grievances are likely to persist in Kyrgyzstan, as mining will increasingly encroach on local ecosystems, livelihoods and cultural commons-unless the national perceptions and shared beliefs change.

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Social Metabolism, Ecological Distribution Conflicts, and Valuation Languages

Cited by 208 publications

References 45 publications

Wasting Democracy, Fueling Dissent: Refuse-Derived Fuels in Can Sant Joan (Catalonia)

Wasting Democracy, Fueling Dissent: Refuse-Derived Fuels in Can Sant Joan (Catalonia)

From activism to science and from science to activism in environmental-health justice conflicts

Shades of Conflict in Kyrgyzstan: National Actor Perceptions and Behaviour in Mining

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