My familiarity with Brazilian working-class history remains limited. To the degree that I have any at all, it comes through three decades of interactions with John French and some of his familiar associates in Brazilian and Latin American labor history, especially Paulo Fontes, Alexandre Fortes, and my colleagues Daniel James and Jeff Gould at Indiana University. Lula and His Politics of Cunning, as French would be the first to admit, is an expression of decades of collective endeavor with these scholars and many others (not for nothing do his acknowledgments run over six pages of fine print). For me, however, French's biographical approach to the social history of the modern Brazilian working class proved thrilling not only because of its accessibility to non-Brazilianists like myself but also for its powerful resonance with my recent research on the awakening of South African workers under an authoritarian dictatorship during the 1970s and 1980s. 1 I want, then, to focus my remarks on several aspects of this resonance that stand out, not so much for purposes of direct comparison as to highlight some key features of the complex story of Lula's "apprenticeship" (a crucial concept for French) in Brazilian politics prior to his election as president in 2000 and his role as, in President Barack Obama's words, "the most popular politician on earth." As a trained metalworker, in the early 1960s Lula entered what French calls "a self-conscious, collaborative working-class intelligentsia" (68). This experience of artisanal apprenticeship, French maintains, can also be understood as the key to Lula's transformation from a semi-literate son of rural migrants to a charismatic labor and political leader. Lula recapitulated his privileged role as journeyman when he entered trade union politics, closely watching the skilled maneuvering of his predecessor in the metalworkers' union presidency, the wily Paulo Vidal. As French observes, "Like the profession of skilled machinist, the role of union militant brought new challenges daily" 1. I am certainly not the first to make this direct comparison. See especially Seidman, Manufacturing Militance.