“…18 At the same time, and ironically, it can also be argued that the growth of the field has also led to its fragmentation and dilution, with the proliferation of inter-and intra-disciplinary subfields, study groups, conferences, forums and which, increasingly, speak only to each other and no longer speak across areas of shared concern. So we have the explosion of work on migration which seems to believe, with UKIP, that it is possible to talk about migration without race (Schuster 2010); on religion and Islamophobia, which, with the notable exception of Meer (2013), sees this as distinct from racism (Alexander 2017); the empty empiricisms of superdiversity (Vertovec 2007;; human rights (Nash 2015), refugee studies (Schuster 2010), and some strands of urban studies (Knowles 2010;Millington 2011;Hall 2013) which place race and racism as wallpaperthe acknowledged but unscrutinized backdrop to more pressing and, perhaps, more engaging theoretical, empirical and political issues. And of coursebecause this is Britain after allthe resurrection of inequality research which is actually class research and, in which, if it appears at all, race and ethnicity is an inconvenient complication, acknowledged in passing and then ignored (Skeggs 2004;Savage 2015), or in which "white" is appended to "working class" as an alibi for, or disclaimer of, racial privilege and racism (Mckenzie 2015;see Bottero 2009;Gillborn 2009 for critiques of this position).…”