2009
DOI: 10.2202/1540-8884.1274
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Abstract: The purpose of this study is two-fold. A central divide in the race-in-politics literature concerns whether people openly profess racially prejudiced statements or confine themselves to subtle racism. Our first objective is to examine this debate using new data from the 2008 election. Our second – and central – objective is to bring out the opposing forces in the politics of race. To this point, all the emphasis has been on the force of prejudice. We show that an opposing force of good will also exists, and th… Show more

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Cited by 14 publications
(22 citation statements)
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“…The findings here also contribute to recent research examining the possibility that pro-Black attitudes may actually lead some Whites to favor Black candidates (Kinder & Dale-Riddle, 2011;Petrow, 2010;Sniderman & Stiglitz, 2009;Tesler, 2012;Tesler & Sears, 2010;Weaver, 2012). While previous analyses of this possibility have primarily relied on observational data, making causal inference difficult, the experimental results presented here are suggestive of both the power and the limits of pro-Black attitudes.…”
Section: Resultssupporting
confidence: 73%
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“…The findings here also contribute to recent research examining the possibility that pro-Black attitudes may actually lead some Whites to favor Black candidates (Kinder & Dale-Riddle, 2011;Petrow, 2010;Sniderman & Stiglitz, 2009;Tesler, 2012;Tesler & Sears, 2010;Weaver, 2012). While previous analyses of this possibility have primarily relied on observational data, making causal inference difficult, the experimental results presented here are suggestive of both the power and the limits of pro-Black attitudes.…”
Section: Resultssupporting
confidence: 73%
“…We expect different results for White individuals who are positively predisposed or "sympathetic" toward Blacks, some of whom may actually prefer Black candidates (see Colleau et al, 1990;Kinder & Dale-Riddle, 2011;Petrow, 2010;Sniderman & Stiglitz, 2009;Tesler, 2012;Tesler & Sears, 2010;Weaver, 2012, for evidence of White preference for Black candidates). Since such voters are positively predisposed toward Black candidates, they may actually be more likely to judge Black-sponsored negativity to be situational than White-sponsored negativity.…”
Section: Theory: How Candidate Race Conditions the Effect Of Campaignmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…One virtue of using racial stereotypes as the measure of prejudice in this study, therefore, is that social scientists who disagree about the nature of contemporary racial prejudice may still agree that negative stereotypes constitute a form of prejudice. 3 However, using negative stereotypes runs the risk of underestimating the impact of racial prejudice, given that measures of symbolic racism are more strongly associated with opposition to racial policies than are more explicit measures (Bobo 2000;Sniderman and Piazza 1993). This study's estimate of the effect of racial prejudice in the 2008 election may therefore be biased toward zero.…”
Section: Measuring Racial Prejudicementioning
confidence: 94%
“…As a result of increased attention to more subtle forms of racism, some have argued that the role of explicit prejudice in American politics ''has been prematurely dismissed'' ). Indeed, although explicit prejudice has declined over the past several decades, substantial proportions of white Americans still hold negative stereotypes about blacks (Peffley and Shields 1996;Sniderman and Piazza 1993). Furthermore, recent studies have found that explicit prejudice is linked with opposition to black candidates, housing integration policies, and government assistance to blacks, as well as support for punitive criminal justice policies and miscegenation laws Kinder and McConnaughy 2006;Hurwitz and Peffley 2005).…”
Section: Measuring Racial Prejudicementioning
confidence: 99%
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