Plutocratic leadership in the electoral arena: three Mitteleuropean cases of personal wealth in politics

Giglioli, Matteo

doi:10.1057/s41295-019-00187-0

Cited by 3 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 46 publications

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“…abilities, and pluralism will enhance leadership and exemplariness (Hudson et al, 2020;Shah & Taylor, 2021;Fariana, 2021). However, it cannot be denied that the potential for "plutocracy" may arise in highly esteemed figures (Arlen & Rossi, 2021;Giglioli, 2020).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cultural Barrier in the Regeneration Process of Islamic Political Party in Indonesia

Nastain,

Abdullah,

Qodir

et al. 2024

jip

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This research aims to describe the cultural barriers of the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa or PKB) in promoting its members as candidates in direct presidential and vice-presidential elections. In the four general elections from 2004 to 2019, PKB failed to place its members as candidates. This condition is presumed to be due to cultural barriers embedded within the party’s internal dynamics and the cadre system. The research method employed in this study combined qualitative descriptive approaches by integrating literature studies with Focus Group Discussions (FGD) involving seven (7) competent informants comprising three media editors, two academics, one activist, and one politician. The data obtained from the FGD is the primary guide to trace document data. The data presentation involves triangulation of FGD data, document data, and field observation results. The data findings revealed three main pieces of evidence for cultural barriers: first, egocentrism of leaders and personal dependence, which refers to the positions of Kyai and Islamic Boarding Schools (pesantren) in the PKB cadre system; second, obedience that erases critical thinking, and third, the presence of the “green blood” identity, which holds privileges in the PKB’s cadre ship system. These three cultural barriers are not unique to PKB but are shared by most Islamic political parties in Indonesia.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cultural Barrier in the Regeneration Process of Islamic Political Party in Indonesia

Nastain,

Abdullah,

Qodir

et al. 2024

jip

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“…In the Caribbean party systems, personalism also historically depended upon the personalism of the British governors (Will, 1991). Similarly under widespread ethnic or financial disenfranchisement, personal parties thrive by carving niches in a divided electorate (Van Cott, 2000), a picture which also fits the recent rise of personal leaders in Central Europe (Giglioli, 2020). In addition, the success of Hugo Chavez's personal party in Venezuela depended upon reforms that eliminated the old constitutional obstacles to caudillismo (Calcaño and Patruyo, 1999), just like the adoption of a majoritarian electoral system helped Berlusconi in Italy (Calise, 2000).…”

Section: Empirical and Methodological Strategiesmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Another empirical typology present in the literature consists of works jointly examining several personal parties. This strategy was recently used to compare cases from Austria, Czechia, and Switzerland (Giglioli, 2020) and Bulgaria, Romania, and Moldova (Gherghina and Soare, 2021). The latter study relies on primary and secondary sources to differentiate party organization and leadership-related aspects across different countries.…”

Section: Empirical and Methodological Strategiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Academic works focused on personalism have sharply increased over the past decade, which scholars have justified with the topic’s heightened salience (Balmas et al, 2014; Frantz et al, 2021a; Giglioli, 2020; Kefford and McDonnell, 2018; Musella, 2020). The academic literature on personal parties consequently suffers from a novelty bias (Bittner, 2018) and has an implicit bias against personalization, since it would rather deal with a party’s constituency: the well off , the elites , or the business community (Giglioli, 2020). Yet, the rich academic history of personalism in political parties should not be forgotten.…”

Section: Historical Antecedentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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“Not To Be Taken Personally”: Tracing Six Decades of Scholarship on Personal, Personalist, and Personalized Political Parties (1960–2021)

Lioy

2023

Political Studies Review

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This article systematically examines the academic literature on personalism and personalization in political parties. Its comprehensive review uses existing studies to (1) demonstrate that personalism has a rich and complex history; (2) outline conceptual differences within the literature related to size, clientelism, internal organization, centralization, and mediatic image; (3) trace patterns of institutionalization and de-personalization of personal parties; and (4) evaluate existing empirical and methodological approaches to the topic. Finally, the conclusion advocates for the adoption of a clear research agenda and proposes conceptual, quantitative, and discursive alternatives to what has already been done.

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“…Neste sentido, aumentaram as tentativas de regulação legislativa dessa fonte desde 2016, bem como o interesse acadêmico (SCHAEFER & BARBOSA, 2019;REIS & EDUARDO, 2019). Internacionalmente, a eleição de Donald Trump em 2016, com um discurso apoiado no uso de sua própria riqueza como geradora de legitimidade, e a emergência de candidatos autofinanciados competitivos, que também criaram novos partidos (Andrej Babis, República Tcheca; Clive Palmer, Austrália; Ricardo Martinelli, Panamá; Frank Stronach, Áustria; Silvio Berlusconi, Itália; entre outros), ensejaram uma série de estudos acerca do uso de recursos próprios em campanhas eleitorais (GIGLIOLI, 2019;KOPECKY, 2016;BARDNT, 2014).…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

Plutocratas, personalistas ou inexperientes

Marques Schaefer

2023

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Este trabalho realiza uma revisão sistemática do autofinanciamento eleitoral. Esta fonte de recursos é pouco estudada, se comparadas com fontes como recursos públicos ou empresariais. Os objetivos são responder as perguntas: o que explica que candidatos autofinanciem suas campanhas? (1) E, quais são as consequências deste tipo de financiamento? (2). De modo geral, destaco que a literatura sobre autofinanciamento possui dois modelos teóricos básicos: aqueles mais focados em explicações sociológicas do autofinanciamento (percebem que esse tipo de recurso está conectado a formas específicas de recrutamento político); e aqueles mais focados em uma teoria do comportamento estratégico: em que o autofinanciamento é apenas mais um dentre outros recursos utilizados na campanha. Em termos empíricos, os trabalhos encontram que candidatos autofinanciados são, usualmente, ricos, personalistas e/ou inexperientes, enquanto este tipo de recurso tem maior efeito no número de votos conquistados em disputas proporcionais do que majoritárias. Estes achados, bem como as lacunas (ausência de triangulação metodológica, por exemplo), podem auxiliar na elaboração de pesquisas sobre o caso brasileiro e latino-americano.

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Plutocratic leadership in the electoral arena: three Mitteleuropean cases of personal wealth in politics

Cited by 3 publications

References 46 publications

Cultural Barrier in the Regeneration Process of Islamic Political Party in Indonesia

Cultural Barrier in the Regeneration Process of Islamic Political Party in Indonesia

“Not To Be Taken Personally”: Tracing Six Decades of Scholarship on Personal, Personalist, and Personalized Political Parties (1960–2021)

Plutocratas, personalistas ou inexperientes

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