Operator movement and topicalisation in adverbial clauses

Haegeman, Liliane

doi:10.1515/flin.41.3-4.279

Cited by 42 publications

(39 citation statements)

References 26 publications

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“…And as proposed above, the case valued by the subject in this position is spelled out as genitive. (29 Haegeman (2007Haegeman ( , 2010a have argued that temporal adverbial clauses also involve operator movement to [Spec, CP] in the embedded clause. According to Haegeman (2010a), this accounts for the inability of other constituents, like topics, to undergo fronting in this type of embedded clause, because the landing site is occupied by the operator.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Inherent case in Archaic Chinese

Aldridge

2018

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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Abstract. This paper proposes an analysis of subject case in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC). By examining the distribution of first person pronominal subjects, I conclude that there were two distinct morphological cases for subjects in LAC. One of these pronouns, 我 wǒ, valued structural nominative case, while the other one, 吾 wú, was marked with a different case. The occurrence of 吾 wú as the external argument of experiencer and modal predicates clearly suggests that this case was at least sometimes inherent case assigned to the external argument in [Spec, vP]. 吾 wú also functioned as the subject of relative clauses, embedded subjunctive clauses, and irrealis matrix clauses. Since the case valued in these clause types was not sensitive to predicate types, I propose that the source of the case valued by the subject in these environments was T. Working within Chomsky's (2008) C-T Inheritance framework, I propose that Inheritance did not take place in indicative clauses, so the subject moved to [Spec, CP] to value nominative case. A first person pronoun with nominative case was spelled out as 我 wǒ. But Inheritance was forced if another constituent needed to occupy [Spec, CP]. I propose that relative clauses and irrealis/subjunctive clauses are all derived through operator movement. Because the operator must occupy [Spec, CP], C-T Inheritance must also take place, forcing the subject to move to [Spec, TP] to value its case. The case valued in this position was also the non-nominative form exemplified by the first person pronoun 吾 wú.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Inherent case in Archaic Chinese

Aldridge

2018

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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“…Sometimes, it is the embedded clause constitutes the main assertion, which is then considered as a parenthetical expression, and in this case, topicalization is allowed. Recently, MCPs have been extensively studied in the seminal work by Haegeman for different types of clauses in English (Haegeman 2006(Haegeman , 2007(Haegeman , 2010a(Haegeman , b, 2011(Haegeman , 2012a. She points out that certain types of embedded clauses cannot undergo root transformations, such as argument fronting (i.e.…”

Section: (4) Mildred Drives a Mercedes Because Her Son He Owns Stockmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mandarin peripheral construals at the syntax-discourse interface

Pan¹

2015

The Linguistic Review

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Inspired by the split-CP hypothesis, different orders of the functional projections in the left periphery are proposed for Chinese. Based on previous studies, this paper proposes the following hierarchy for Chinese: AttitudeP1 > AttitudeP2 > Special QuestionP > Illocutionary ForceP > Only-focusP > Sentential.AspectP > TP. These projections host sentence final particles (SFP) or null operators. When the compared projections are both head-final, the syntactic word order reflects the relevant hierarchy; when the compared projections are not uniformly head-final, their scope interaction reflects the order. This study shows that the higher a projection, the more subjective its interpretation and the harder it can be embedded. For instance, being subject-oriented sentential aspects and only-type focus are not directly linked to the speaker's attitude and therefore, they can be embedded and be interpreted within the subordinate clause. As for the SFPs linked to illocutionary forces, some can be embedded, while others cannot. Special questions and the SFPs expressing the speaker's mood, interjection and attitude cannot be embedded at all. This fact is regarded as an indirect argument in favor of my proposal.Keywords: left-periphery, sentence final particles, Mandarin Chinese, root, Main Clause Phenomena IntroductionAdopting the split-CP hypothesis (Rizzi 1997, among others), a number of generative linguists have been working on the "cartography" of the left-periphery with the aim of establishing a map, as detailed as possible, of the functional projections in the CP domain. The study of Italian (Cinque 1999, Rizzi 2004, Benincà and Poletto 2004, Cinque and Rizzi 2008 shows that functional projections which host elements such as topics, foci, interrogative words, different adverbs, etc. are hierarchically ordered in precise ways. Whether these heads/projections whose existence has been argued for in Italian are universally true is still an issue. However, this hypothesis helps us to study the left periphery in many other languages, for instance, Chinese (Paul 2002, 2015, Badan 2007, Stepanov and Tsai 2008, 2011, 2015, Pan 2011b. Based on the previous work, this article intends to establish an even more fine-grained cartography of the Mandarin left-periphery. It will also show in what way the hierarchy of the functional projections proposed here is compatible with the previously established orders. The general conclusion of this study reveals that the

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“…Concomitantly, those non-phasal complements lack Top and Foc as well on the assumption by Haegeman (2006a) that Force licenses Top and Foc. As opposed to this truncation analysis, one may wonder if the absence of thematic topics and obligatory exhaustive foci in complement clauses entails the impoverishment of their projections, given the operator movement analysis proposed by Haegeman (2007;b) and HaegemanÜrögdi (2010) (henceforce HÜ). This section aims to provide further evidence in support of the truncation analysis and against the operator movement analysis.…”

Section: Truncation Versus Operator Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This section aims to provide further evidence in support of the truncation analysis and against the operator movement analysis. In a series of recent works, Haegeman (2007;b) modifies her own truncation analysis, and suggests that all complement clauses have a full structure like (59a). Instead of clause reduction, she argues that there is movement of an operator to the left periphery as in (61) 23 A reviewer questions how tense is analyzed in the present analysis if a tense feature is inherited from C. I follow Chomsky (2007, 20) in supposing that tense is an inherent property of T, and an interpretable tense feature originates on T. Tense is not directly affected by the internal structure of CP.…”

Section: Truncation Versus Operator Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In section 4, I present an alternative analysis to Uchibori, according to which non-phasal complements have an impoverished left peripheral structure that lack Force, Top and Foc. Section 5 casts doubt on the application of the recent operator movement approach by Haegeman (2007;b) and Haegeman-Ürögdi (2010) to Japanese. In section 6, I propose a preliminary hypothesis that the correlation between phasehood and left peripheral structure can be accounted for in terms of feature inheritance.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The left periphery of CP phases in Japanese

Yoshimoto¹

2012

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

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This paper discusses syntactic conditions under which complement clauses constitute a phase in Japanese. Since CPs are assumed to be phasal (Chomsky 2000;, it is predicted by the Phase Impenetrability Condition that phrasal extraction out of a CP complement must transit through the edge of the complement, i.e., Spec CP . As Spec CP is an A-position and movement through anĀ-position must create a uniformĀ-chain, phrasal extraction out of a phasal complement is expected to create anĀ-chain. However, evidence from Japanese suggests that long distance A-scrambling is permissible out of some complement clauses that are headed by an overt complementizer (Uchibori 2000). It follows therefore that the category CP is not sufficient to characterize clausal phases. In search for an alternative definition of clausal phases, I argue that main clause phenomena such as thematic topics and exhaustive foci are allowed only in phasal complements in Japanese. Assuming that Top and Foc are licensed by Force (Haegeman 2006a), I propose that phasal complements project up to Force in their clausal left periphery, independently of a complementizer. I further argue that the correlation between phasehood and the clausal left periphery can be captured if we assume that uninterpretable topic and focus features must originate on the phase head Force.

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Operator movement and topicalisation in adverbial clauses

Cited by 42 publications

References 26 publications

Inherent case in Archaic Chinese

Inherent case in Archaic Chinese

Mandarin peripheral construals at the syntax-discourse interface

The left periphery of CP phases in Japanese

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