Nuptiality and Rural Industry: Families and Labor in the French Countryside

Lehning, James R.

doi:10.1177/036319908300800403

Cited by 9 publications

(1 citation statement)

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“…If women were the only ones who engaged in industrial work, and men worked as peasants or agricultural labourers, marriage behaviour cannot be explained solely by proto-industrialization; instead, we must analyse the combined operation of agriculture and industry on both men and women. 54 In large areas of East Westphalia, linen production was largely a by-employment and the lower class continued to be integrated into a rural society dominated by the propertied peasants, through the Heuerling system; marriage conditions here differed from those in areas where the proto-industrial population had largely freed itself from such relations. 55 Indeed, we had already mentioned this in our book, although this has generally been ignored in its reception.…”

Section: The Demography Of Proto-industrializationmentioning

confidence: 96%

Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and modern domestic industry

Kriedte¹,

Medick²,

Schlumbohm³

1993

Cont. Change

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Cet article tend à évaluer la riche moisson de recherches parues depuis une quinzaine d'années à propos de trois aspects importants des hypothéses originelles concernant la proto-industrialisation. Les auteurs proposent d'importantes modifications du modèle démographique de la proto-industrialisation. Puis ils se penchent sur des problèmes négligés jusqu'ici, concernant notamment les groupes engagés dans des activités proto-industrielles et l'interpénétration des activités agricoles et de l'industrie à domicile. Ils examinent enfin la coexistence et la rivalité simultanée entre proto-industrie ou industrie à domicile d'une part et industrie mécanisée d'autre part, situation qui a survécu jusqu'en plein vingtiéme siécle.

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Section: The Demography Of Proto-industrializationmentioning

confidence: 96%

Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and modern domestic industry

Kriedte¹,

Medick²,

Schlumbohm³

1993

Cont. Change

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Family, Work and Wages: The Stéphanois Region of France, 1840–1914

Hanagan¹

1997

Int Rev of Soc His

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Exploring issues of the family wage, this paper examines labour markets, family employment patterns and political conflict in France. 1 Up to now, the debate over the family wage has centred mainly on analysing British trade unions and the development of an ideal of domesticity among the British working classes, more or less taking for granted the declining women's labour force participation rate and the configuration of state/trade union relations prevailing in Great Britain.2 Shifting the debate across the Channel, scholars such as Laura Frader and Susan Pedersen have suggested that different attitudes to the family wage prevailed. 3 In France, demands for the exclusion of women from industry were extremely rare because women's participation in industry was taken for granted. But a gendered division of labour and ideals of domesticity remained and made themselves felt in both workforce and labour movement.In France, conditions of labour supply contrasted sharply with the UK, for it was far more difficult to recruit factory labour in France than in Britain. As a result of the difficulty of recruiting males, many of whom remained in peasant agriculture, female participation in the French labour force grew rapidly at a time when it was declining in England; in France, even a significant number of married women with children worked in factories. Censuses indicate that 24.7 per cent of the total female population of France was economically active in 1866, compared with 27.2 per cent in Great Britain in 1871, and 9.7 per cent in the US in 1870. However, forty or more years later, France had 38.7 per cent in 1911, Britain 25.7 per cent in 1911 and the US 16.7 per cent in 1910. 4 With female labour * I would like to thank Miriam Cohen, Louise Tilly and Ange' lique Janssens. 1 Derived from Seecombe, the definition of the "family wage" employed here is the "notion that the wage earned by a husband ought to be sufficient to support his family without his wife and young children having to work for pay": see Wally Seecombe, "Patriarchy Stabilized: The Construction of the Male Breadwinner Wage Norm in NineteenthCentury Britain", Social History, 1, 11 (1986), pp. 53-76, esp. p. 54. Seecombe prefers the term "male breadwinner norm" to "family wage", but the concept of "norm", as we shall see, has its own problems. 2 C. Creighton, "The Rise of the Male Breadwinner Family: A Reappraisal", Comparative Studies in Society and History, 38 (1996) 130Michael Hanagan force participation in France high and growing in the second half of the nineteenth century, it was much harder to foster an image of "domesticity" as a "norm" for working-class women. French labour unions were also generally less formally organized than their British counterparts and less able to carry out exclusionary practices had they so desired. In France, even in the 1900s, such flourishing British institutions as collective bargaining and strongly-organized national craft unions were almost non-existent -with one exception. By far the bestknown case of the exc...

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American family and demographic patterns and the northwest European model

Smith¹

1993

Cont. Change

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Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/ abstract_S0268416000002162How to cite this article: Daniel Scott Smith (1993). American family and demographic patterns and the northwest European model. Continuity and Change, 8, This essay examines the northwest European family model or household formation system to explore the relationship between general theoretical constructs and particular historical circumstances. The northwest European family system simultaneously stands as an ideal type designating fundamental rules for use in comparative historical sociology and as a description of several outcomes of behaviour in one region. It is also a tool for interpreting the familial and demographic history of that region that has been revised and refined to fit that experience more accurately. Finally the model is the crucial contextual or cultural component of a larger theoretical system linking demographic behaviour to the economy.A construct so useful, and used in such diverse ways, clearly deserves examination and clarification. In this essay, I follow an obvious if neglected strategy: to compare the record of a society -colonial British North America and the United States through the end of the nineteenth century -whose origins were northwest European, to the elements of the model.The first section of the essay defines the northwest European household formation system as a pattern of behaviour, considers its important role in ideal-typical comparisons, and notes the extent to which it has become a perspective held by scholars in Cambridge (England). Reviewing the American evidence, the second part notes the similarity and the departures of that case from the northwest European model. In the third segment, I show how the American departures from the descriptive predictions of the

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Nuptiality and Rural Industry: Families and Labor in the French Countryside

Cited by 9 publications

References 8 publications

Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and modern domestic industry

Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and modern domestic industry

Family, Work and Wages: The Stéphanois Region of France, 1840–1914

American family and demographic patterns and the northwest European model

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