2021
DOI: 10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2021.102283
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No peace for the forest: Rapid, widespread land changes in the Andes-Amazon region following the Colombian civil war

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Cited by 54 publications
(39 citation statements)
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“…They argue that the peace agreement opened up areas that were previously controlled and protected by the FARC who had used these areas as hideouts. Subsequently, prevalent land-use conflicts and land grabbing practices, exacerbated by land tenure issues, were seen following the agreement (Murillo-Sandoval et al, 2020, Murillo-Sandoval et al, 2021. These dynamics are expanding the agricultural frontier and placing increased pressure on forests.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They argue that the peace agreement opened up areas that were previously controlled and protected by the FARC who had used these areas as hideouts. Subsequently, prevalent land-use conflicts and land grabbing practices, exacerbated by land tenure issues, were seen following the agreement (Murillo-Sandoval et al, 2020, Murillo-Sandoval et al, 2021. These dynamics are expanding the agricultural frontier and placing increased pressure on forests.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet, the strongest covariates of conflict victims were demographic, with steep declines in urban population indicated by r urban population (Figure 6) and larger total rural populations (Figure 2). Past analyses have shown armed conflict leads to forest loss (Murillo- Sandoval et al 2021), as it likely displaces local populations (Fergusson et al 2014) and correlates to both cattle ranching as a land use (Holmes et al 2019) and land grabbing (Castro-Nunez et al 2017). Here we show a nationwide effect of conflict victims on r forest (Figure 3) while demonstrating that armed conflict and displacement (as measured by r urban population ) go together (Figure 6) (Holmes & Gutiérrez De Piñeres 2011;Rincón-Ruiz & Kallis 2013).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…But such interventions must consider both the history of failed state-sponsored development projects, and that private, illegal infrastructure has already led to deforestation spikes in the same regions where coca and conflict concentrate (Silva Numa 2016;Paz Cardona 2021). Right now the status quo ante-both coca cultivation and aerial fumigation generating thousands of conflict victims each year and promoting depopulation and deforestation-has given way to massive environmental costs at newly opened post-peace accord frontiers (Armenteras et al 2019b;Van Dexter & Visseren-Hamakers 2019;Clerici et al 2020;Murillo Sandoval et al 2020) where lingering armed conflict generates much greater deforestation than before (Murillo- Sandoval et al 2021). While our models show that infrastructure spending can help reduce coca, and coca promotes deforestation via conflict, they also reveal the most important challenge to forest conservation in Colombia is neither coca nor conflict, but the insatiable appetite for land that expresses itself through r pasture .…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Not all large landholders are narcotraffickers; frontiers are dynamics spaces with many actors clearing land, some with licit capital. Land dispossession caused by narcotraffickers or other armed actors can be followed by corporate actors who rapidly clear land (Ballvé 2018;Darién 2021;Murillo-Sandoval et al 2021). Incomplete empirical data on land control prevent straightforward quantification of the amount of sustained forest loss directly or indirectly attributable to narcotrafficking.…”
Section: Data Analysis Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%