Abstract:In recent decades Western Europe has had to face increasing migration levels resulting in a more diverse population. As a direct consequence, the question of adequate inclusion of immigrants into the welfare state has arisen. At the same time it has been asked whether the inclusion of non-nationals or migrants into the welfare state may undermine the solidaristic basis and legitimacy of welfare state redistribution. Citizens who are in general positive about the welfare state may adopt a critical view if migra… Show more
“…In the first place, studies of opinions related to the rather general question of whether immigrants should get the same rights as natives or citizens (Mau and Burkhardt 2009) and of views pertaining to the question of whether immigrants take away jobs and are a burden for the welfare state (Crepaz and Damron 2009) find similar patterns to those addressing views on the poor and the unemployed. Even though these studies do not focus on welfare chauvinism, 2 and although Mau and Burkhardt (2009) use a typology that differs from Esping-Andersen's, their results suggest that native populations in social-democratic welfare regimes take a more inclusive stance towards immigrants and are less concerned about "negative" labor-market and welfare effects of immigration than those in liberal ones.…”
Section: The Impact Of the Selectivity And Inequality Dimensions On Tmentioning
“…In the first place, studies of opinions related to the rather general question of whether immigrants should get the same rights as natives or citizens (Mau and Burkhardt 2009) and of views pertaining to the question of whether immigrants take away jobs and are a burden for the welfare state (Crepaz and Damron 2009) find similar patterns to those addressing views on the poor and the unemployed. Even though these studies do not focus on welfare chauvinism, 2 and although Mau and Burkhardt (2009) use a typology that differs from Esping-Andersen's, their results suggest that native populations in social-democratic welfare regimes take a more inclusive stance towards immigrants and are less concerned about "negative" labor-market and welfare effects of immigration than those in liberal ones.…”
Section: The Impact Of the Selectivity And Inequality Dimensions On Tmentioning
“…Finally, there is some evidenceprimarily from Western European countries-that increased population diversity of the sort associated with greater immigration has the effect of changing how individuals think about welfare policies and the degree to which individuals support antipoverty and redistributive policies (Bay and Pedersen 2006;Eger 2010;Larsen 2011;Mau and Burkhardt 2009;Senik et al 2009). …”
Section: Immigration In the United Statesmentioning
“…Similarly, studies of radical left voting have suggested different mediation effects-left-wing attitudes reduce the negative effects of socioeconomic position on support for radical left parties (Ramiro, 2016;Visser et al, 2014)-indicating that those who experience economic difficulties are likely to be in favor of welfare redistribution and are therefore prone to vote for the radical left. And it has long been shown that those with lower incomes and the unemployed are significantly more likely to be in favor of welfare redistribution (see Eger, 2010;Finseraas, 2009;Mau & Burkhardt, 2009).…”
Section: Radical Parties and Radical Votingmentioning
Radical left and right parties are increasingly successful-particularly among the less well-off. We assess the extent to which this negative effect of wellbeing on radical voting is moderated by contextual factors. Our study suggests that less well-off citizens vote for radical parties mainly under favorable aggregate-level circumstances. We distinguish two possible mechanisms underlying this effect-relative deprivation and risk aversion-and find support for relative deprivation only among radical right voters and for risk aversion for both types of radical voters, yet with predictable differences between the radical left and right supporter bases. Economic hardship leads to radical right voting when the socioeconomic circumstances are favorable and to radical left voting when net migration is modest. Our findings suggest a genuine paradox of radicalism: individual economic suffering might foster
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