Many are called but few are chosen: the emergence of Latino congressional candidates

Ocampo, Angela X.; Ray, John J.

doi:10.1080/21565503.2019.1629968

Cited by 14 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 80 publications

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“…For instance, when running for office is framed as an issue of demand versus supply, ambition varies for Latinas and white, Asian and black women (Holman and Schneider 2018). Moreover, studies suggest recruitment and party networks are less accessible to Latinas and black women compared with white women (Brown and Dowe 2020; Ocampo and Ray 2019; Silva and Skulley 2018; but see also Fraga and Hassell 2020). Scholarship has also assessed whether candidate training or national service programs cultivate ambition, and whether these programs are more effective for some women than others (Mo, Conn, and Anderson-Nilsson 2019; Sanbonmatsu 2015; Schneider and Sweet-Cushman 2020; Sweet-Cushman 2019).…”

Section: Political Ambition and Candidate Emergencementioning

confidence: 99%

It Takes a Motive: Communal and Agentic Articulated Interest and Candidate Emergence

Conroy

Green

2020

Political Research Quarterly

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More women ran for office in 2018 than any previous election year. This represents progress toward parity, but it remains unclear whether this surge in women’s political ambition signals an easing of the candidate emergence path, which has typically favored men. We leverage over ten thousand intake forms of prospective candidates provided by Run for Something, a candidate recruitment nonprofit founded in 2017, to examine patterns in candidate emergence based on articulated interest through the lens of “communion” and “agency,” two basic behavioral orientations with gendered significance. We find that differences in articulated interest along the dimensions of communion and agency are greater between candidates and noncandidates than they are between men and women, supporting previous findings of similarities in men and women who emerge as candidates. Our results suggest the candidate emergence path is still easier for women (and men) whose motives are congruent with agency, and therefore the “masculine ethos” of politics.

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Section: Political Ambition and Candidate Emergencementioning

confidence: 99%

It Takes a Motive: Communal and Agentic Articulated Interest and Candidate Emergence

Conroy

Green

2020

Political Research Quarterly

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“…Leading up to the 2018 midterm elections, leaders in minority communities complained about the lack of support for minority candidates from Democratic leaders, arguing that “the party only supports nonwhite candidates in so‐called ‘minority districts,’ where nonwhite voters outnumber their white counterparts” (Herndon , A1). Moreover, minority candidates' success or struggles in majority Latino congressional districts can be attributed to support (or lack thereof) from the party (Ocampo ), and Latino candidates receive fewer party endorsements, with the endorsements and support they do receive coming from sources that are less well connected to the national party (Ocampo and Ray ). Only in recent years have groups emerged within the Democratic Party that are focused on minority representation (Herndon ).…”

Section: Party Support and Candidate Successmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Women and minorities are largely outside the “white old boys” club of the party elite decision makers and may not be the salient candidate on which party elites choose to coordinate (Hassell ). Indeed, research has shown that Latino candidates are less connected to national party networks and more reliant on local networks of support isolated from the party (Ocampo and Ray ).…”

Section: Party Support and Underrepresented Candidatesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Party's Primary Preferences: Race, Gender, and Party Support of Congressional Primary Candidates

Hassell

Visalvanich

2019

American J Political Sci

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Party support has a strong influence on candidate success in the primary. What remains unexplored is whether party actions during the primary are biased along racial and gender lines. Using candidate demographic data at the congressional level and measures of party support for primary candidates, we test whether parties discriminate against women and minority candidates in congressional primaries and also whether parties are strategic in their support of minority candidates in certain primaries. Our findings show parties are not biased against minority candidates and also that white women candidates receive more support from the Democratic Party than do other types of candidates. Our findings also suggest that parties do not appear to strategically support minority candidates in districts with larger populations of minorities. Lastly, we also find no significant differences in the effects of party support on the likelihood of success in the primary by candidate race or gender.

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“…As pointed out by an anonymous reviewer, attending a protest may also help a budding candidate meet like-minded activists and establish a professional network. Prior research on candidate quality(Krasno, 1994), and candidate recruitment(Broockman, 2014;Ocampo and Ray, 2019;Reny and Shah, 2018;Silva and Skulley, 2018;Tolley, 2019) emphasizes how important these networking opportunities are. This may increase our "attendance" parameter but is unlikely to increase our "arrest" parameter.4 Excluding partisanship to better measure our causal mechanism leads to a tradeoff with external validity.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Badge of Courage or Sign of Criminality? Experimental Evidence for How Voters Respond to Candidates Who Were Arrested at a Protest

Armendariz

Farrer

Martinez

2020

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective. To test whether political activists who are arrested at a protest will subsequently be more or less able to successfully run for office. Methods. We use a conjoint survey experiment conducted on Amazon's Mechanical Turk platform. Participants are asked to choose between hypothetical candidates, with a protest arrest randomly added to the description of one candidate. We also vary the group that organized the protest, the demographics of the candidate, how much time has passed since the protest, and the seriousness of the arrest charge. Results. We find left-leaning voters can see a protest arrest as an asset, if it occurred at a left-wing protest. Right-leaning voters are less tolerant of protest arrests though, especially if the candidate is black or if the protest was recent. Conclusion. We conclude that activists with electoral ambitions should weigh the risks of arrest carefully, especially if they are black or will need to appeal to right-leaning electorates. Arrests are common at U.S. protests. But although this risk is often discussed in protestor "know your rights" trainings, the long-term impacts of getting arrested at a protestwhich may vary across race and gender-are uncertain (

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Many are called but few are chosen: the emergence of Latino congressional candidates

Cited by 14 publications

References 80 publications

It Takes a Motive: Communal and Agentic Articulated Interest and Candidate Emergence

It Takes a Motive: Communal and Agentic Articulated Interest and Candidate Emergence

The Party's Primary Preferences: Race, Gender, and Party Support of Congressional Primary Candidates

Badge of Courage or Sign of Criminality? Experimental Evidence for How Voters Respond to Candidates Who Were Arrested at a Protest

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