2015
DOI: 10.1017/s0020818315000107
| View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Abstract: Status has long been implicated as a critical value of states and leaders in international politics. However, decades of research on the link between status and conflict have yielded divergent findings, and little evidence of a causal relationship. I attempt to resolve this impasse by shifting the focus from status to relative status concerns in building a theory of status from the ground up, beginning with its behavioral microfoundations. I build on and extend previous work through an experimental study of st… Show more

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
2
1
1
1

Citation Types

2
53
0
1

Year Published

2015
2015
2020
2020

Publication Types

Select...
5

Relationship

0
5

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 74 publications
(56 citation statements)
references
References 122 publications
(57 reference statements)
2
53
0
1
Order By: Relevance
“…Public opinion is increasingly playing a prominent role in IR scholarship: from theories of crisis bargaining that abandon unitary actor assumptions and explicitly carve out a major role for domestic publics (Fearon 1994;Schultz 2001), to the rise of individual-level experiments exploring microfoundations, of public opinion toward world affairs (Kertzer and McGraw 2012;Renshon 2015;Tomz 2007;Wallace 2013). This prominence is all the more striking given that it was only 28 years ago that political scientists were still asking whether leaders "waltz before a blind audience" on foreign affairs (Aldrich, Sullivan, and Borgida 1989), and thus whether IR scholars might be justified in bracketing the public altogether.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Public opinion is increasingly playing a prominent role in IR scholarship: from theories of crisis bargaining that abandon unitary actor assumptions and explicitly carve out a major role for domestic publics (Fearon 1994;Schultz 2001), to the rise of individual-level experiments exploring microfoundations, of public opinion toward world affairs (Kertzer and McGraw 2012;Renshon 2015;Tomz 2007;Wallace 2013). This prominence is all the more striking given that it was only 28 years ago that political scientists were still asking whether leaders "waltz before a blind audience" on foreign affairs (Aldrich, Sullivan, and Borgida 1989), and thus whether IR scholars might be justified in bracketing the public altogether.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We can do the same with IR topics, both with current or retired policymakers (Renshon Forthcoming) as well as undergraduate subjects. By assessing prior beliefs and personality through pretests, manipulating variables such as emotional and affective priming, and embedding the participant in a complicated simulated policy environment, researchers can measure behavioral responses compared with control groups.…”
Section: Special Problems Empirical Designs and Conclusionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Similarly, those who possess feelings of power—defined by Fast et al. (, 250) as “asymmetric control over valued outcomes”—are more optimistic, take greater risks, and are insulated from concerns about the loss of status (Anderson and Galinsky ; Renshon ). Leaders with high self‐efficacy and a sense of power, therefore, should have confidence that they can effectively manage their alliance relationships and get support from allies when they need it.…”
Section: Business Experience and Contributions To Deterrencementioning
confidence: 99%