This study examines the adoption of high-performance workplace management practices in Japanese and domestic manufacturing plants, spanning a broad range of products and technologies, that began operations in the United States between 1978 and 1988. Japanese transplants, the authors find, were likely to adopt "hybrid" systems of high-performance practices meldingJapanese principles of workplace management with the American industrial relations system. Domestic startups incorporated many of these same techniques, but they tended to take a more limited and piecemeal approach.The managers of domestic startups also paid less attention to how individual high-performance practices fit into an overall system of efficient workplace management than did managers at Japanese transplants.Rates of adoption of these practices are now being used as an indicator of the extent to which American workplaces are adopting "high performance" human resources practices (Appelbaum and Batt 1994; Osterman 1994). However, adoption rates appear to be relatively low in U.S. manufacturing.Even among Japanese transplants operating in the United States, the evidence on adoption is inconclusive. Studies that focus on Japanese auto plants tend to find that major components of the Japanese employment system are being successfully transferred to the United States and Europe, but other studies (largely of electronics assembly plants) conclude that Japanese transplants tend to copy American workplace practices, particularly those of nonunion companies.' This paper substantially extends our understanding of the "fit" between Japanese workplace management practices and the American system of industrial relations. We analyze the adoption of high-performance, Japanese-style workplace practices in a sample of newJapanese and domestic plants, spanning a wide range of technolo-'Osterman (1994) found relatively low adoption rates in the United States. For adoption rates among Japanese transplants in the United States, see Womack, Jones, and Roos (1990); Dunphy (1987); Abegglen (1985); Cole (1971); Cool and Legnick-Hall (1985); and Kenney and Florida (1993). For evidence of the diffusion of the employment system found in Japanese auto plants, see White and Trevor (1983); Oliver and Wilkinson (1989); Morris (1988); Kenney and Florida (1993); Fucini (1990); Abo (1994); and MacDuffie (1995). Three studies reporting evidence of emulation of American practices byJapanese transplants are JETRO (1989); Milkman (1991); and Kenney and Florida (1993).One possible reason for the contradictory findings, for which we offer supporting evidence from our study, is that electronics and auto plants have different adoption rates. A second is that Japanese practices have changed over time, with early transplants imitating U.S. practices and transplants from the 1980s onward adoptingJapanese practices (Cutcher-Gershenfeld et al. 1995). No such shift seems to have occurred either in our sample ofJapanese transplants or among a larger sample of transplants and joint ventures examin...