2014
DOI: 10.1080/08038740.2014.964309
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Intersections and Inconsistencies. Framing Gender in Right-Wing Populist Discourses in Austria

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Cited by 47 publications
(21 citation statements)
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“…PRR parties, therefore, evince a double and contradictory position: on the one hand, they support equal opportunity and the rights of women when they strive to contest Muslim immigration; on the other, they are strongly conservative in the fields of family policies and the rights of women when they work towards returning to or defending a supposed and idyllic traditional ‘natural’ patriarchal order (Norocel, 2011). As Mayer et al (2014: 264), who studied the agenda and discourse of the Freedom Party in Austria, have also shown, PRR parties are engaged in a continuous ‘(re)negotiation of meanings’ process ‘to resolve inconsistencies, to strategically dialogue with different audiences (not-them) and to reconstruct the populist “we” in an ever shifting manner’.…”
Section: The Gender Perspective On European Populist Radical Right Pamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…PRR parties, therefore, evince a double and contradictory position: on the one hand, they support equal opportunity and the rights of women when they strive to contest Muslim immigration; on the other, they are strongly conservative in the fields of family policies and the rights of women when they work towards returning to or defending a supposed and idyllic traditional ‘natural’ patriarchal order (Norocel, 2011). As Mayer et al (2014: 264), who studied the agenda and discourse of the Freedom Party in Austria, have also shown, PRR parties are engaged in a continuous ‘(re)negotiation of meanings’ process ‘to resolve inconsistencies, to strategically dialogue with different audiences (not-them) and to reconstruct the populist “we” in an ever shifting manner’.…”
Section: The Gender Perspective On European Populist Radical Right Pamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Scholars such as Weyland (2011) imagine populism as a political style disengaged from ideology (see also Moffit & Tormey, 2014), whereas others (Albertazzi & McDonnell, 2008;Stanley, 2008) conceptualise populism as an ideology and most famously, as a 'thin-centred ideology' attached to 'host ideologies', such as nationalism (Mudde, 2004;Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser, 2013a). Others still, conceive of populism as a discursive enterprise centred around a set of ideas (Hawkins, 2009) that manifest as a discourse (Laclau & Mouffe, 1985), a discursive frame (Aslanidis, 2016), or as an ongoing process of reframing 'us and them' (Mayer, Ajanovic, & Sauer, 2014).…”
Section: Populismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In some cases, its use is limited to that of a theoretical benchmark, as occurs in Karda (2012), whose paper describes the "us/other" strategies used by the Turkish media to combat the clandestine Ergenekon network; in Els (2013), a work revealing the xenophobic discourses appearing in the newspaper The Daily Sun; in Hearns-Branaman (2015), who compares the coverage of the diplomatic disputes between the US and Iran by different news agencies; or in the analysis of the discourse of the Russian website InoSMI with respect to the Crimea crisis, conducted by Spiessens and Van Poucke (2016). Yet it has also been employed as a methodological tool with the same results, as shown in Turner (2008) on the construction of the lesbian community in the magazine Diva; in Arrunátegui (2010), who analyzes how the Peruvian press characterizes the indigenous subject; or in Mayer, Ajanovic, and Sauer (2014), dealing with the gender roles promoted by the Austrian extreme right. To approach the discourse employed by the Chechen Islamist guerrillas to justify political violence, this second path was taken, not only to detect the use of the specific linguistic structures proposed by Fairclough (1992) and Van Dijk (1998a), but also to deal with other more complex dimensions of this discourse -such as discursive and social practice -which the ideological square model is also capable of addressing (Philo, 2007).…”
Section: Critical Discourse Analysis (Cda) and The Ideological Squarementioning
confidence: 99%