Inherent versus contextual inflection and the split morphology hypothesis

Booij, Geert

doi:10.1007/978-94-017-3716-6_1

Cited by 229 publications

(123 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…Some grammatical forms need tensewise consideration which can be categorized under the two aspect types. Booij (1995: 2) identifies verbal inflection as tense, aspect, mood and voice adding that the important categories are three being tense, aspect and mood. The three main functional domains of inherent verb inflection in the Oromo language are aspect, mood and voice with some indications of tenses.…”

Section: Verbsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Inflectional morphology in Mecha Oromo

Wakweya¹

2017

J. Lang. Cult.

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This study provides relatively detailed descriptions of inflectional morphology in the Oromo language. It identifies occurrence patterns of morphemes and draws rules for inflections in the language. Although it focuses basically on inflectional morphology, it in some ways, deals with derivational processes and syntactic structures for comparison and relational analysis. A degree of fusion of morphs and morphological occurrences of inflectional formatives have been thoroughly dealt with. The thesis describes the inflectional forms of, essentially, nouns and verbs. However, words occurring in the nominals and verb-related words occurring in the predicate position have also been examined. Since the two word classes (nouns and verbs) are mostly the ones that undergo inflection, they determine the inflectional characteristics of the language. The study consists of five chapters which are concerned, respectively, with introduction in which preliminaries and methodology are treated, literature review which deals with some related concepts and previous works on Oromo, nominal inflection (including nouns, pronouns and adjectives), verb inflection (including verbs and adverbs) and conclusion. Number, singulative, gender and case are considered in the nominal inflection. Verb inflection is described in terms of inherent and agreement properties of grammatical function. In the descriptive chapters, distribution of morphemes and their allomorphs, along with their hosts, have been examined. This study provides a relatively more comprehensive and detailed description of inflectional morphology in Oromo, and hence the research outcomes are more focused to forms and functions of inflections.

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Section: Verbsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Inflectional morphology in Mecha Oromo

Wakweya¹

2017

J. Lang. Cult.

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“…number) and contextual morphology (e.g. case) in the sense of Booij (1996) becomes crucial. The number category concerns the number of objects and is expected to be expressed on the respective words denoting objects themselves, whereas case expresses the semantic role ofthe denoted object(s) in the whole sentence.…”

Section: Superstable Markers Versus Allomorphsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Superstable Marker as an Indicator of Categorial Weakness?

Dammel¹,

Nübling²

2006

Folia Linguistica

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In this article we examine and "exapt" Wurzel's concept of superstable markers in an innovative manner. We develop an extended view of superstability through a critical discussion of Wurzel's original definition and the status of marker-superstability versus allomorphy in Natural Morphology: As we understand it, superstability is -above and beyond a step towards uniformity -mainly a symptom for the weakening ofthe category affected (cf. 1.,2. and 4.). This view is exemplified in foUf short case studies on superstability in different grammatical categories of foUf Germanie languages: genitive case in Mainland Scandinavian and English (3.1), plural formation in Dutch (3.2), second person singular ending -st in German (3.3), and ablaut generalisation in Luxembourgish (3.4).

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“…As is especially clear since Booij (1994Booij ( , 1996, nouns that do not have a fixed Number value can be marked for Number in a way that sharply differs from that of regular inflectional marking. One such case occurs when a Number affix is linearly closer to the stem than a derivational affix, like the wordformation affixes in (2a) or the diminutives in (2b-c) (although diminutives are the least representative of derivational affixes : Scalise 1984: 131-133, Anderson 1992 van Marle 1996), even though Booij (1996) provides strong arguments that it is indeed plural in Dutch. Finally, and least controversially, Number forms part of the base to which inflection attaches when it is itself followed by a more Both as a fixed choice on a noun and as part of the base modified by inflection, inherent…”

Section: Trousers)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This view was forcefully criticized by Stump (1989Stump ( , 1990, Booij (1994Booij ( , 1996, Chapman (1996), van Marle (1996), Rainer (1996 who showed that inherent inflection (specifically nominal number) can be regular. Even apart from the evidence they adduced, we can note here that considering lexeme-forming inflection as morphologically different from regular inflection is at odds with singularia and pluralia tantum, which mostly feature the same exponents as regular nouns.…”

Section: Constraining Inherent Numbermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Dressler (1989) proposed a distinction between prototypical and non-prototypical inflectional categories, with Number falling among the non-prototypical ones and therefore liable to occurring in non-inflectional capacity. Booij (1994Booij ( , 1996 developed and refined this insight, proposing a semantic basis for the bipartition: for him, the categories that can enter inherent inflection are not so much "less inflectional", as it were, as semantically grounded outside morphology. This means that, unlike contextual inflection, inherent inflection is not dictated by syntax (although it may be syntactically relevant).…”

Section: Constraining Inherent Numbermentioning

confidence: 99%

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