identify more strongly with a nation report higher well-being (Espinosa et al., 2015), emphasize the entitativity of the nation (Estrada et al., 2007), hold high expectations of other ingroup members that reinforce social cohesion (Van Vugt & Hart, 2004), and positively self-stereotype in relation to the ingroup (P. B. Smith et al., 2005).However, as Gellner ( 2008) argued, nationalist ideologies also implicitly endorse distorted narratives about the national group, contributing to a representation of a homogenized national identity based on criteria established by dominant social elites and embedded in the daily lives of citizens (see Billig, 1995). Such representations are typically closely related, at a more abstract level of analysis, with authoritarianism (Altemeyer, 1998). At a psychological level, authoritarianism functions to strengthen societal cohesion and individual loyalty to the shared sociopolitical representation of the nation, thus helping to provide security against threats to the national group and its members (Druckman, 1994). It is also manifested through positive expressions of national sentiment, such as those exemplified by civil engagement and altruistic behavior or personal sacrifice for the benefit of compatriots or the nation (Dekker et al., 2003).In studying the psychological processes that underpin individual affiliation to large groups such as a nation, it is important to take into account the concept of social identity, defined as "the part of an individual's self-concept that derives from the knowledge of his belonging to a social group, along with the evaluative and emotional meaning associated with said belonging" (Tajfel, 1984, p. 292). It is reasonable to assume, for conceptual and methodological purposes, that national identity is a specific subtype of social identity (Nigbur & Cinnirella, 2007;P. B. Smith et al., 2005). As such, nation-states are conceived of not only as sociopolitical organizations, but also semantically as social categories.Within theoretical accounts of social identity, particularly in relation to intergroup dynamics, there is strong emphasis on the role played by stereotypes (Tajfel & Forgas, 2000). There is a comprehensive body of research suggesting that stereotype content fits along two broad dimensions: warmth, a judgment of the levels of tolerance, cooperativeness, sincerity, and beneficence of a group, and competence, a judgment of the levels of intelligence, reliability, social status, and competitiveness of a group (Fiske et al., 2002). Within the context of Latin American countries, studies have confirmed the dimensions of warmth and competence in national and ethnic stereotypes, but have also suggested a third dimension-morality, which is exemplified through honesty, solidarity, and respect (Espinosa, Acosta, et al., 2016). From an identity perspective, this third dimension of stereotyping forms an invaluable base from which to build interpersonal trust and foster intragroup cohesion (Espinosa, Acosta, et al., 2016;Van Vugt & Hart, 2004).