Health sector structures: The case of Poland

Civil Society and the Professions in Eastern Europe

“…In sharp contrast to the pre-war period, when only 30% of the population was covered by health insurance, the socialized health system implemented under central planning covered 77% the entire population 11 by 1970, and nearly 100% of the population by 1981 (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). In sharp contrast to the pre-war period, when only 30% of the population was covered by health insurance, the socialized health system implemented under central planning covered 77% the entire population 11 by 1970, and nearly 100% of the population by 1981 (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987).…”

“…In 1980, 97% of all ambulatory visits in the urban areas were provided by public clinics, while only 3% by the private sector (GUS, 1991), comprised mostly of cooperatively owned clinics (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). Under central planning, Poland implemented a universal public healthcare system, and few nongovernmental alternatives to the public sector existed in this service field.…”

“…By 1990, the number of visits in the private sector declined to 2.2% of all visits in urban healthcare establishments. They frequently supplemented their low salaries by private services which they could semilegally provide because of their access to the public sector resources (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987;author's interviews, July, 1994). In the light of these trends, it seems odd that anyone would want to establish new organizations in the field where the alternatives to the public sector were visibly losing ground.…”

Civil Society and the Professions in Eastern Europe

“…In sharp contrast to the pre-war period, when only 30% of the population was covered by health insurance, the socialized health system implemented under central planning covered 77% the entire population 11 by 1970, and nearly 100% of the population by 1981 (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). In sharp contrast to the pre-war period, when only 30% of the population was covered by health insurance, the socialized health system implemented under central planning covered 77% the entire population 11 by 1970, and nearly 100% of the population by 1981 (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987).…”

“…In 1980, 97% of all ambulatory visits in the urban areas were provided by public clinics, while only 3% by the private sector (GUS, 1991), comprised mostly of cooperatively owned clinics (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). Under central planning, Poland implemented a universal public healthcare system, and few nongovernmental alternatives to the public sector existed in this service field.…”

“…By 1990, the number of visits in the private sector declined to 2.2% of all visits in urban healthcare establishments. They frequently supplemented their low salaries by private services which they could semilegally provide because of their access to the public sector resources (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987;author's interviews, July, 1994). In the light of these trends, it seems odd that anyone would want to establish new organizations in the field where the alternatives to the public sector were visibly losing ground.…”

Innovation, Professional Interests, and Nonprofit Organizations: The Case of Health Care in Poland

“…First, after Poland implemented a universal public health care system, few nongovernment alternatives to the public sector existed in this service area. In 1980, 97 percent of all ambulatory visits in the urban areas were provided by public clinics, and only 3 percent by the private sector (GUS, 1966(GUS, -1996, comprising mostly cooperatively owned clinics (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). By 1990, visits to private-sector urban health care establishments declined to 2.2 percent of the total.…”

Defining Democracy and the Terms of Engagement with the Postsocialist Polish State Insights from HIV/AIDS

“…The system of centrally controlled accumulation and distribution resulted in severe shortages of consumer goods and medical supplies, including disposable needles, paper for electrocardiograms, batteries to power equipment, and catheters (e.g., Sienkiewicz 1981; Wedel 1986). General shortages of medicines such as antibiotics (Grzegrzółka 1988) exacerbated the generally poor conditions in hospitals and clinics, as well as the maldistribution of physicians, including primary care doctors, pediatricians, and gynecologists (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz 1987). With the arrival of HIV/AIDS, these shortages were no longer just inconveniences: they became a health threat to the Polish nation itself.…”

Civil Society and the Professions in Eastern Europe

“…In sharp contrast to the pre-war period, when only 30% of the population was covered by health insurance, the socialized health system implemented under central planning covered 77% the entire population 11 by 1970, and nearly 100% of the population by 1981 (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). In sharp contrast to the pre-war period, when only 30% of the population was covered by health insurance, the socialized health system implemented under central planning covered 77% the entire population 11 by 1970, and nearly 100% of the population by 1981 (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987).…”

“…In 1980, 97% of all ambulatory visits in the urban areas were provided by public clinics, while only 3% by the private sector (GUS, 1991), comprised mostly of cooperatively owned clinics (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). Under central planning, Poland implemented a universal public healthcare system, and few nongovernmental alternatives to the public sector existed in this service field.…”

“…By 1990, the number of visits in the private sector declined to 2.2% of all visits in urban healthcare establishments. They frequently supplemented their low salaries by private services which they could semilegally provide because of their access to the public sector resources (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987;author's interviews, July, 1994). In the light of these trends, it seems odd that anyone would want to establish new organizations in the field where the alternatives to the public sector were visibly losing ground.…”

Innovation, Professional Interests, and Nonprofit Organizations: The Case of Health Care in Poland

“…First, after Poland implemented a universal public health care system, few nongovernment alternatives to the public sector existed in this service area. In 1980, 97 percent of all ambulatory visits in the urban areas were provided by public clinics, and only 3 percent by the private sector (GUS, 1966(GUS, -1996, comprising mostly cooperatively owned clinics (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). By 1990, visits to private-sector urban health care establishments declined to 2.2 percent of the total.…”

Defining Democracy and the Terms of Engagement with the Postsocialist Polish State Insights from HIV/AIDS

“…The system of centrally controlled accumulation and distribution resulted in severe shortages of consumer goods and medical supplies, including disposable needles, paper for electrocardiograms, batteries to power equipment, and catheters (e.g., Sienkiewicz 1981; Wedel 1986). General shortages of medicines such as antibiotics (Grzegrzółka 1988) exacerbated the generally poor conditions in hospitals and clinics, as well as the maldistribution of physicians, including primary care doctors, pediatricians, and gynecologists (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz 1987). With the arrival of HIV/AIDS, these shortages were no longer just inconveniences: they became a health threat to the Polish nation itself.…”

Civil Society and the Professions in Eastern Europe

“…In sharp contrast to the pre-war period, when only 30% of the population was covered by health insurance, the socialized health system implemented under central planning covered 77% the entire population 11 by 1970, and nearly 100% of the population by 1981 (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). In sharp contrast to the pre-war period, when only 30% of the population was covered by health insurance, the socialized health system implemented under central planning covered 77% the entire population 11 by 1970, and nearly 100% of the population by 1981 (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987).…”

“…In 1980, 97% of all ambulatory visits in the urban areas were provided by public clinics, while only 3% by the private sector (GUS, 1991), comprised mostly of cooperatively owned clinics (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). Under central planning, Poland implemented a universal public healthcare system, and few nongovernmental alternatives to the public sector existed in this service field.…”

“…By 1990, the number of visits in the private sector declined to 2.2% of all visits in urban healthcare establishments. They frequently supplemented their low salaries by private services which they could semilegally provide because of their access to the public sector resources (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987;author's interviews, July, 1994). In the light of these trends, it seems odd that anyone would want to establish new organizations in the field where the alternatives to the public sector were visibly losing ground.…”

Innovation, Professional Interests, and Nonprofit Organizations: The Case of Health Care in Poland

“…First, after Poland implemented a universal public health care system, few nongovernment alternatives to the public sector existed in this service area. In 1980, 97 percent of all ambulatory visits in the urban areas were provided by public clinics, and only 3 percent by the private sector (GUS, 1966(GUS, -1996, comprising mostly cooperatively owned clinics (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz, 1987). By 1990, visits to private-sector urban health care establishments declined to 2.2 percent of the total.…”

Defining Democracy and the Terms of Engagement with the Postsocialist Polish State Insights from HIV/AIDS

“…The system of centrally controlled accumulation and distribution resulted in severe shortages of consumer goods and medical supplies, including disposable needles, paper for electrocardiograms, batteries to power equipment, and catheters (e.g., Sienkiewicz 1981; Wedel 1986). General shortages of medicines such as antibiotics (Grzegrzółka 1988) exacerbated the generally poor conditions in hospitals and clinics, as well as the maldistribution of physicians, including primary care doctors, pediatricians, and gynecologists (Sokolowska and Moskalewicz 1987). With the arrival of HIV/AIDS, these shortages were no longer just inconveniences: they became a health threat to the Polish nation itself.…”