Gaps and Dummies

Bennis, H.J.

doi:10.5117/9789053568590

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 10 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Finally, I assume that the PP in which binominal elk is embedded is adjoined to NP or NumP. Evidence for this comes from er-pronominalization patterns (Bennis 1986). The PP can but need not be part of the pronominalized form (see (14a) versus (14b)).…”

Section: The Internal Syntax Of the Nominal 'Binominal Each'-construcmentioning

confidence: 98%

Floating around in the Dutch nominal domain

Corver

2014

AVT

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In this article I investigate the internal syntax of Dutch nominal expressions like twee slangen van elk twee meter (two snakes of each two meter). The preposition van separates the quantifier elk from the expression twee slangen to which it is connected interpretatively. From a purely observational view, the quantifier could be said to be floating in the nominal domain. In this article I argue that this floating elk is an instance of so-called 'binominal each' . So far, discussions of the binominal-each-phenomenon have concentrated on dependencies involving material in the clausal domain. In this article I show that dependencies involving binominal elk are also attested DP-internally. Syntactic issues that will be discussed in the context of the DP-internal binominal-each-phenomenon include: Constituency of the nominal expression, the nature of the DP-internal anaphoric dependency, the various manifestations of the binominal pattern, and word order rearrangements by DP-internal displacement.

show abstract

Section: The Internal Syntax Of the Nominal 'Binominal Each'-construcmentioning

confidence: 98%

Floating around in the Dutch nominal domain

Corver

2014

AVT

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Therefore, they are assumed to be semantically vacuous, i.e., they are not assigned any semantic interpretation. However, the assumption that expletives are dummy elements has been called into question (Bennis 1986;Rosengren 2002;Vangsnes 2002, among many others). Bennis argues that the Dutch explitive er is assumed to be non-thematic, with a pragmatic function: it "is a pragmatic dummy that fills an empty presupposition" (1986: 227).…”

Section: The Features Of Fiimentioning

confidence: 98%

An existential expletive: fii of Jordanian Arabic

Abdel-Ghafer

Jarbou

2015

Folia Linguistica

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Expletives have been argued to be merged in Spec, TP, Spec, vP, or within DP. This paper argues that this line of thought does not apply to the existential expletive fii of Jordanian Arabic. The arguments presented in this paper rest on the assumption that merge of fii in any of those proposed merge sites cannot be empirically substantiated since it does not account for data from Jordanian Arabic. It is argued instead that, in an existential construction, fii heads its own projection, an expletive phrase, with the associate projected as complement of the expletive. Further, the expletive phrase is argued to merge in the specifier of a predicate phrase, whose head is a null adjectival predicate. Therefore, the view of fii as a syntactic dummy is reconsidered.

show abstract

“…It turns out to be impossible to carry out a similar experiment in Dutch with er. However, due to space limitations we cannot discuss here the precise reasons for why this is so (but see Bennis 1986). …”

mentioning

confidence: 92%

On the acquisition of daar and er

Dijk

Coopmans²

2013

AVT

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Schafer & Roeper (2000) have traced the acquisition order of the various occurrences of there in English monolingual children. One of their claims is that expletive there triggers the emergence of there as a discourse anaphor. Taking their approach as a starting point, we report here on a similar search that we have carried out on files from Dutch corpora in CHILDES, focussing on the two Dutch counterparts daar and er. Dutch children face a particular acquisition puzzle in having to deal with both of these equivalents for 'there' . Our results show that discourse anaphoric daar and er emerge prior to expletive er. This clearly contradicts Schafer & Roeper's claim for the need of an expletive trigger. We argue instead that the discrepancy between the English and Dutch findings is caused by the much larger variety of discourse anaphoric constructions with daar and er in Dutch.

show abstract

Gaps and Dummies

Abstract: Gaps and Dummies was originally published as a PhD-dissertation in 1986 at the Katholieke Hogeschool Tilburg. It later appeared in the Linguistic Models-series from Foris Publications, Dordrecht (isbn 90 6765 245 8).

Cited by 3 publications

References 10 publications

Floating around in the Dutch nominal domain

Floating around in the Dutch nominal domain

An existential expletive: fii of Jordanian Arabic

On the acquisition of daar and er

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About