From Trade Unions to the Government: The National Organization of the Brazilian Workers’ Party from 1980 to 2005 (Dos Sindicatos ao Governo: A Organização Nacional do PT de 1980 a 2005)

Ribeiro, Pedro Floriano

doi:10.2139/ssrn.2127872

Cited by 8 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 64 publications

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“…The São Paulo nucleus acted … as a symbolic amalgamation, providing the collective incentives fundamental to party building. In particular, the charismatic figure of Lula, the “maximum leader,” was the party-building project’s main source of identification and unity.(Ribeiro 2010, 251)…”

Section: The Argument At Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Lula ideologically represented the core PT base. He was a non-Marxist and widely known to be a relative moderate (Keck 1992; Hunter 2010; Ribeiro 2010; Secco 2011). The rank and file, too, were predominantly moderate, drawn over-whelmingly from the new unionism and, secondarily, the Catholic left (Secco 2011, 49).…”

Section: The Argument At Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The main purpose of forming these dominant coalitions was to limit the radical left’s influence. Articulação was designed to “restrain the activity” of Marxist tendencies, which, it was argued, had unduly influenced the PT’s development from 1980 to 1982 (Ribeiro 2010, 186–87; Hunter 2010, 114, 118–19, 121; Secco 2011, 123). Similarly, Campo Majoritário was conceived as an instrument for institutionalizing moderate control of the PT after the radical left’s two-year stint in power and Lula’s defeat in the 1994 presidential election.…”

Section: The Argument At Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Both also suffered life-threatening electoral setbacks. Thus it was not obvious during the first half of the 1980s that the PT would survive intact (Keck 1992, 18, 152–53, 156; Bruhn 1998, 250; Pereira 2008, 264; Ribeiro 2010, 186; Secco 2011, 48–49), or in the early 1990s that the PRD would survive intact (Borjas 2003, 301, 450, 457–58, 518; Prud’homme 2003, 118, 118 n. 4; Martínez 2005, 59). Equally, it was far from obvious in the late 1980s that Barrantes would defect (Tanaka 1998, 137; Herrera 2002, 379).…”

Section: The Argument At Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

“… 3 Here I refer mainly to Herrera 2002 and Ribeiro 2010. Herrera 2002 is a detailed factual account of IU’s genesis, development, and fatal split by the Peruvian Communist Party’s second-highest elite, Guillermo Herrera.…”

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confidence: 99%

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External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building

Dyck

2018

Lat Am Polit Soc

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Many successful political parties depend for their initial popularity and cohesion, and even for their long-term brand strength, on a leader. Nevertheless, literature on successful party building downplays the role of leaders. Thus, the question, what type of leader is good for party building?, remains undertheorized. This article presents and provides initial evidence for a leadership-centered theory of successful party building. It argues that externally appealing, internally dominant leaders facilitate party building by lifting new parties to electoral prominence and helping to prevent debilitating schisms. The article provides evidence for this argument through a most similar cases comparison of three new left parties in Latin America: two that took root (Brazil’s Workers’ Party, Mexico’s Party of the Democratic Revolution), and one that collapsed (Peru’s United Left).

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Section: The Argument At Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Argument At Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Argument At Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Argument At Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building

Dyck

2018

Lat Am Polit Soc

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A evolução do PT paulista: uma abordagem sobre a organização do partido e seu desenvolvimento eleitoral no estado

Davidian¹

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Efficacy and the Reproduction of Political Activism: Evidence From the Broad Front in Uruguay

Bentancur

Rodríguez

Rosenblatt

2018

Comparative Political Studies

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The professionalization of politics and the disappearance of party organizations based on activists seems an inescapable trend. This article shows, by studying the Broad Front of Uruguay as a deviant case, the relevance of organizational rules for explaining the reproduction of party activism. Using data from both an online survey of people differing in their levels of engagement with the Broad Front and in-depth interviews with party activists, we show that those with relatively low levels of engagement—“adherents”—and activists differ in their willingness to cooperate with the party and in the time they devote to party activities. Also, we find that reducing the perceived efficacy of political engagement strongly decreases activists’ self-reported willingness to engage with the party, while this reduction has no effect upon adherents. These findings suggest that the design of organizational rules that grant a political role to grassroots organizers can promote party activism.

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From Trade Unions to the Government: The National Organization of the Brazilian Workers’ Party from 1980 to 2005 (Dos Sindicatos ao Governo: A Organização Nacional do PT de 1980 a 2005)

Cited by 8 publications

References 64 publications

External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building

External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building

A evolução do PT paulista: uma abordagem sobre a organização do partido e seu desenvolvimento eleitoral no estado

Efficacy and the Reproduction of Political Activism: Evidence From the Broad Front in Uruguay

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