Forbidden Fruit: Infidelity, Affinity and Brideservice Among the Urarina of Peruvian Amazonia

Dean, Bartholomew

doi:10.2307/3034230

Cited by 8 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…Living in the Chambira and Urituyacu River watersheds north of the Marañon River, the Urarina form a small ethnic group, with a total population estimated at 2500 (Dean 1995a; Díaz Barba 1987) to 5000 (McKinley 2003) individuals. The Urarina generally form villages of 40 to 100 people of bilateral kindreds in single-family houses; they are linguistically isolated from their neighboring ethnic groups (Dean 1995b). They are a semi-nomadic group that practices agriculture, fishing, hunting, and gathering from the forest to provide for their needs (Ferrúa et al 1980).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Contrasting Indigenous Urarina and Mestizo Farms in the Peruvian Amazon: Plant Diversity and Farming Practices

Iverson

2021

Journal of Ethnobiology

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Remote Amazonian communities are often largely self-sufficient, made possible in part by their agricultural skills and deep ecological knowledge of their landscapes. Mastery of their local flora undoubtedly plays a vital role in daily life, yet communities in the Amazon can vary widely in both the diversity of plants that they utilize and in how they manage plants in their agricultural landholdings. The dominant drivers of these differences in ecological knowledge and practices between communities are not clearly understood. We compare the agricultural practices and diversity of utilized plants in an Indigenous Urarina community and a Mestizo community in the Peruvian Amazon. Through field surveys and farmer interviews, we assessed the diversity of utilized plants found in the homegardens (N = 17) and chacras (cropped fields; N = 47), as well as multiple agricultural characteristics of the chacras and fallow fields (N = 32). Households from the Mestizo community cultivated a larger land area, while both communities utilized relatively short fallow times of < 6 years. Across both communities, farmers make use of a total of 207 plant species belonging to 60 plant families for various resources, including food, spices, medicine, fuel, craft, construction, hunting/fishing, and spiritual/cultural uses. Species diversity of utilized plants was significantly higher in the Urarina community, likely reflecting their longer historical roots in the region, lower reliance on a market economy, greater reliance on farm and forest products, and higher degree of biocultural relationship to the land. Kin size was negatively correlated with homegarden diversity, while increasing household wealth led to more species diversity in Urarina landholdings, but less diversity in Mestizo landholdings. These results suggest that both Mestizo and Indigenous communities, and especially the latter, play an important role in the conservation of traditional ecological knowledge and agrobiodiversity in the Peruvian Amazon; however, increasing market integration may jeopardize the biocultural relationships that undergird this in situ conservation.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Contrasting Indigenous Urarina and Mestizo Farms in the Peruvian Amazon: Plant Diversity and Farming Practices

Iverson

2021

Journal of Ethnobiology

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“…recount incidences of sexual abuse by teachers, male health technicians, and community leaders. This is a way for relatively powerless women and girls to call attention to the misdeeds of male leaders outside the community assembly (asamblea comunal) at which legitimate business is discussed -often convened by the same leaders against whom the complaints are levied (Dean, 1995). This does not imply that only powerless women write in to Bienvenida Salud!…”

Section: Letter Writingmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…Because death is not thought of as a natural event, but rather as the result of witchcraft or ill omens, women's wailing often reveals undisclosed tensions between kin groups and within communities. Indeed, women's wailing and funeral wakes lead to some of the most volatile village contexts, frequently resulting in village fragmentation, abrupt marital separations, and punishment levied against guilty parties (Dean, 1995). Despite the dramatic events that can result from these wailing sessions, individual women are not held accountable.…”

Section: Listening Groups and Audience-produced Episodesmentioning

confidence: 99%

In Our Own Voices: Reproductive Health Radio Programming in the Peruvian Amazon

McKinley¹,

Jensen²

2003

Critical Studies in Media Communication

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“…Ovo objašnjenje postulira da muškarac mora da pruži nadoknadu za suprugu, bilo u obliku rada ili u obliku materijalnih dobara, kao i da su xenini roditelji (a posebno otac) rukovoTeni xeljom da ostvare odgovarajuu nadoknadu pre nego to se odreknu kontrole nad kerkom. 86 MeTutim, za razliku od njene kasnije varijante koju su razviljali posebno struktural-funkcionalisti ali i mnogi drugi teoretiari, evolucionisti su "kompenzaciju" tumaili kao kupovinu. 87 Isticano je da se kompenzacija za xenu najee sastoji od materijalnih dobara odnosno, kako iznosi Vestermark, od svojine jedne ili druge vrste iji obim moxe biti razliit, iako moxe biti data i u vidu radnih usluga.…”

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Anthropological Critique of the “Marriage by Wife Purchase” Thesis as a Contribution to the Rethinking of Inderdisciplinarity

Ivanović

2007

EAP / IEA

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Antropološka istraživanja pokazuju da razmene i transakcije koje dovode do sklapanja braka, bez obzira na kom principu počivaju i u kom obliku se pojavljuju, ne počivaju na logici tržišta već na logici razmene dara. Na taj način se ni razmena žena za vredna materijalna dobra i dragocenosti (bridewealth), koja je (bila) dominantan oblik bračnih transakcija u Africi, ali i nekim delovima Azije i Okeanije, ne može tumačiti kao robna razmena i "kupovina žena". Teza o "braku kupovinom žena", razvijena u okviru viktorijanske evolucionističke paradigme, u antropologiji je odavno odbačena. Istovremeno, novija istraživanja su pokazala da razmena osobe za stvari, kao princip sklapanja braka, ne podrazumeva samo praksu razmene žena za materijalna dobra. U nekim društvima, bračne transakcije počivaju na principu razmene muškarca za vredna dobra (groomwealth). Na taj način je još jednom dovedena u pitanje ne samo teorija o "braku kupovinom žena, već i osnovna Levi-Strosova pretpostavka o "razmeni žena između grupa muškaraca". Kako teza o "kupovini žena" opstaje ne samo u popularnom diskursu, već i u domaćoj naučnoj literaturi, u ovom radu je izneta antropološka argumentacija u prilog kritici teze o "braku kupovinom žena" i istovremeno ukazano na ključna mesta interdisciplinarnih neslaganja do kojih dolazi u razumevanju i tumačenju ovog oblika bračnih transakcija. Takođe su razmotrene teorijske i epistemološke pretpostavke na kojima je konstruisana teza o "braku kupovinom žena", kao i proces kritičkog preispitivanja koji je u antropologiji doveo do njenog odbacivanja. U radu se istovremeno naglašava stanovište savremene antropologije prema kome je moguće govoriti o kulturnoj i političkoj ekonomiji dara jer logika dara, iako različita od logike robne razmene, ne predstavlja njenu nepomirljivu suprotnost.

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Forbidden Fruit: Infidelity, Affinity and Brideservice Among the Urarina of Peruvian Amazonia

Cited by 8 publications

References 0 publications

Contrasting Indigenous Urarina and Mestizo Farms in the Peruvian Amazon: Plant Diversity and Farming Practices

Contrasting Indigenous Urarina and Mestizo Farms in the Peruvian Amazon: Plant Diversity and Farming Practices

In Our Own Voices: Reproductive Health Radio Programming in the Peruvian Amazon

Anthropological Critique of the “Marriage by Wife Purchase” Thesis as a Contribution to the Rethinking of Inderdisciplinarity

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