Diagnosis and treatment of normal eating.

Abstract

The shift in societal preference toward a thin physique has led to an increasing prevalence of dieting such that "normal" eating for North American women is now characterized by dieting. In this article, we explore similarities between such normal dieters and individuals with an eating disorder and question whether a continuity exists between normal and abnormal eating behavior. The regulation of intake among normal dieter and patient populations is compared and is explained by the boundary model of consumption, which leads to the conclusion that in neither group is eating technically disordered, although it does depart from appropriate physiological norms. We conclude that many normal eaters (i.e., dieters or restrained eaters) display characteristics of eating-disorder pathologies and should be treated accordingly. Such treatment involves changing both the patient and the environment, especially societal attitudes toward body weight and shape.The current societal preference for a thin physique has spawned a corresponding societal preoccupation with dieting and weight loss. The extent of this preoccupation is such that it may now be accurate to regard dieting and its attendant diet mentality as normative, both descriptively and prescriptively. In short, it is now "normal" for individuals in our society to express concern about their weight and to engage in fitful attempts to change it. A normal lifestyle now requires periodic exercise; normal eating now requires periodic dieting.Why is a thin physique prized, especially among women? Answers to this question typically refer to historical variation in the sort of physique that is most highly valued. In former times, endomorphy was preferred, as is evidenced by the inevitably referenced Rubenesque nude. Nowadays, women are induced to strive toward a condition of ruddy-cheeked emaciation. Describing this historical shift does not account for it, of course, and the explanations usually tendered are both easy to produce and difficult to prove. Their validity aside, these explanations tend to fall into three classes: The first class focuses on the aesthetics of physique, with thin women seen as more beautiful and, consequently, of greater sexual allure; the second class emphasizes the implicit personality correlates of various physiques, with thinness connoting power, health, and other contemporary values; and the third class infers behaviors from the physique itself, with thinness reflecting the sort of self-control that is presumably required to achieve and maintain slenderness.Whatever its true cause, the recent shift in societal preference toward a thin physique has been well-documented (DeJong &

Eat, drink, and be merry, for tomorrow we diet: Effects of anticipated deprivation on food intake in restrained and unrestrained eaters.

“…1 not just milkshakes (Herman & Polivy, 1996;Polivy & Herman, 1985, 1987Schlundt & Johnson, 1990). One possible explanation for this effect is that restrained eaters respond to dietary violations with thoughts 2 such as "I've blown my diet for today, so I may as well eat what I want now and start my diet again tomorrow."…”

Hamlandi viðhorf til eigin mataræðis - algengi og forspárþættir á Íslandi

“…8,9 Slík viðhorf eru talin geta stuðlað að átröskun og óheilbrigðu sambandi við mat og jafnvel ýtt undir þyngdaraukningu. 4,7 Hamlandi faeðuviðhorf er nátengt enska hugtakinu dietary restraint (faeðuaðhald), sem er takmörkun á faeðuneyslu eða viðleitni til takmörkunar, í þeim tilgangi að ná stjórn á eigin líkamsþyngd. Þessi skilgreining getur líka átt við þá sem reyna að borða hreina og rétta faeðu og líður illa ef mataraeðið er ekki nógu fullkomið.…”

Understanding obesity: Psychological cues and antecedents of eating behaviour

“…For a person to eat when hungry and stop when satiated, he or she must be able to accurately recognise the physiological sensations that are associated with hunger and satiety. Polivy and Herman (1987) suggest that these physiological sensations associated with hunger and satiety can be conditioned and therefore influenced by stimuli previously unrelated to food. Therefore, if meals are reliably paired with certain stimuli, such as time (e.g., at a specific time or after every four hours), hunger and satiety will be perceived when such cues are presented, regardless of the person's actual state of nutritional deficit (Stunkard, 1975;Weingarten, 1985).…”