Deriving Head-Final Order in the Peripheral Domain of Chinese

Abstract

<jats:p> This article proposes a unified analysis of the peripheral projections in Chinese, which does not rely on a head-directionality parameter. Each of these projections constitutes a phase and that its head bears an EPP feature, which must be satisfied. Chinese peripheral projections demonstrate four different ways to satisfy EPP. Importantly, Sentence-Final Particles (SFPs) project phases and their complements obligatorily move to the specifier as a last resort to satisfy the EPP. The movement of the complement to the phase edge would postpone the transfer of phrases embedded in the complement, allowing these phrases to move later. When the phase edge is not available for the moved complement, phrases embedded within the complement will not be able to be extracted in the later stage after the complement is transferred. This constitutes a strong argument in favor of the obligatory complement-to-specifier raising analysis for SFPs in Chinese. </jats:p>

On finite embedded clauses in Tuparí: their synchrony, diachrony, and typology

“…(For instance, Erlewine 2017 proposes that it is not the vP but rather a slightly higher functional projection, SFP 1 P, that is phasal in Mandarin.) Second, Erlewine's empirical claims concerning the syntax of SFPs in Mandarin have been challenged (Pan 2018(Pan , 2020; I am not, however, in a position to adjudicate between the different accounts of the Mandarin facts. Given the lack of known phasehood diagnostics for Tuparí, the next subsection examines the Tuparí facts only in light of the proposal to restrict FOFC to Extended Projections.…”