Democratic dynasties

Political Dynasties in Democracies: Causes, Consequences and Remaining Puzzles

“…In a similar approach, Chhibber () argues that dynastic leadership succession in India is more likely in parties that lack broader organisational ties to groups in society and have centralised party finances (in the top leadership). Chandra () further explores how party institutions in India contribute to subnational variation in dynasties…”

“…In a similar approach, Chhibber (2013) argues that dynastic leadership succession in India is more likely in parties that lack broader organisational ties to groups in society and have centralised party finances (in the top leadership). Chandra (2016) further explores how party institutions in India contribute to subnational variation in dynasties. 2 In line with such an institutionalist perspective, existing studies of the powertreatment effect strongly suggest that different institutional environmentseven when these are party rather than candidate-centredcan support the same perpetuation of dynastic political power.…”

“…The reason is that politicians starting a political dynasty are not dynastic at the time of their first election. This is important because ‘those who are followed rather than preceded by family members can create advantages for their descendants, but cannot be said to have been initially advantaged themselves by such ties’ (Chandra, , p. 14).…”

“…Dynastic politicians can be defined as politicians who are related by blood or marriage to other individuals formerly holding political office. This definition is a close equivalent to those brought forward in Dal B o et al (2009), Smith (2012, and Chandra (2016), and covers, for instance, politicians' children, grandchildren, siblings, spouses, sons-in-law, daughters-in-law, and so on. Even so, it is best seen as a general definition that allows for further specification depending on the circumstances (and data availability).…”

“…Others instead investigate the roles played by a country's democratic institutions (e.g. the existence of candidate-centred electoral systems, or the organisational weakness of parties) and the (de)centralisation of candidate selection processes (Smith, 2012;Chhibber, 2013;Amundsen, 2016;Chandra, 2016).…”