Democracy and the Project of Liberal Inclusion

Karstedt, Susanne

doi:10.1057/9781137008695_2

Cited by 10 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“… 1. Recent years have seen increasing recognition being paid to the need for studying state punishment – and, within this context, incarceration itself – with reference to a variety of indicators so as to produce more holistic assessments (see, for example, Cavadino and Dignan, 2006; Cheliotis and Xenakis, 2016; Karstedt, 2013; Newburn, 2020, in press; Tonry, 2007;). …”

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confidence: 99%

What’s Left? Political orientation, economic conditions and incarceration in Greece under Syriza-led government

Cheliotis

Xenakis

2020

European Journal of Criminology

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An important body of scholarly work has been produced over recent decades to explain variation in levels and patterns of state punishment across and within different countries around the world. Two variables that have curiously evaded systematic attention in this regard are, first, the orientation of incumbent governments along the political spectrum, and second, the experience and fiscal implications of national economic downturn. Although recent years have seen both variables receive somewhat greater consideration, there is still precious little research into the effects on state punishment that they have in interaction with one another. With a view to helping fill this gap in the literature, this article identifies the direction and assesses the extent of influence exerted by government political orientation, on the one hand, and by economic downturn alongside its fiscal repercussions, on the other hand, upon the evolution of incarceration in the context of contemporary Greece. In so doing, we offer a uniquely detailed account of carceral trends before and during the period that a coalition government led by the left-wing Syriza party was in power. With regard to carceral trends as such, the scope of our analysis extends beyond conventional imprisonment also to include immigration detention. As well as arguing that economic downturn can place crucial limits on a government’s ability to execute progressive plans in carceral matters, we additionally conclude that a government’s scope of action in this vein may be further restricted depending on the autonomy it can wield in defiance of foreign forces intervening in both economic and political realms.

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confidence: 99%

What’s Left? Political orientation, economic conditions and incarceration in Greece under Syriza-led government

Cheliotis

Xenakis

2020

European Journal of Criminology

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“…To the extent that democracies and non-democracies have been compared, imprisonment rates have typically been found to be lower in the former (Greenberg, 2002; Killias, 1986; Ruddell and Guevara Urbina, 2007). 2 One study that, by contrast, has acknowledged the lack of a relationship between political systems and imprisonment rates, has nevertheless identified a positive association between democracies and conditions of imprisonment (Karstedt, 2013). Another body of international comparative scholarship has sought to account for variation in the use of custodial punishment across political systems by reference to politico-institutional as well as socio-economic arrangements, spanning, for example, constitutional structures, electoral systems, patterns of welfare provision and labour market relations (see e.g.…”

Section: Political Systems and State Punitivenessmentioning

confidence: 99%

Punishment and political systems: State punitiveness in post-dictatorial Greece

Cheliotis

Xenakis

2016

Punishment & Society

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Extant research on the relationship between political systems and state punitiveness has so far paid little attention to the impact that transition from one political system to another may have upon levels and patterns of state punitiveness. This risks not only exaggerating the degree to which given trends in state punitiveness are distinct to particular political systems, but also overlooking the legacy that punitive policies, practices or experiences under a prior political system may bequeath its successor. With a view to advancing a better understanding of the relationship between political systems and state punitiveness, we draw on the case of Greece, taking a long historical perspective to chart the trajectory of punitive state policies and practices in the country before, during and after its dictatorship of 1967-74.

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“…They demonstrate that core dimensions of the contemporary democratic institutional ensemble reproduce the secular decline of violence. Both dimensions epitomize democracy's inclusionary project and institutional pattern (Karstedt, 2006(Karstedt, , 2012, which will be further explored in the next section. 10…”

Section: Institutions Values and The Democratic Peacementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Both the Humanitarian Revolution and the Rights Revolution present driving forces that led towards the development of a more inclusive institutional ensemble. Within Acemoglu and Robinson's (2012) framework of inclusive and extractive institutions, democratic institutions can be situated at the more inclusive end of the scale, even if they are complemented by strong exclusive tendencies (Karstedt, 2006(Karstedt, , 2012. The rule of law represents a core inclusive institution of democracy, and it could be shown that highly functional rule of law institutions are related to distinctly lower levels of violence, thus mirroring the historical Rights Revolution in contemporary societies.…”

Section: Democracy and Violence: From History To Contemporary Problemsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Does democracy matter? Comparative perspectives on violence and democratic institutions

Karstedt

2015

European Journal of Criminology

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Comparative perspectives on crime and violence have paid little attention to the institutional context of the polity with few exceptions. Steven Pinker's The Better Angels of Our Nature (2011) presents an underlying narrative of institutional change and the evolvement of democratic institutions to the secular process of decreasing violence, between as well as within states. Do democracies have comparative advantages in curbing violence? This paper translates Pinker's diachronic perspective into a synchronic and cross-sectional analysis of violence in contemporary societies between 2005 and 2009. Its largely descriptive exploration ranges from the microfoundations of democracies to the institutional breakdown in processes of state failure, using different descriptive indicators of institutional patterns as diagnostic tools. Institutional perspectives in comparative criminologyComparative research on punishment and justice has certainly acknowledged the role of institutions, as they coalesce in a certain type of political economy or political regime, in shaping the ways in which offenders are punished. Thus the polity in general -defined here as the institutional ensemble that constitutes the political regime of a country -and the different types of democratic regimes in particular, are presently seen as a quasinatural corollary and determinant of prison populations and prison conditions by a number of authors (Barker

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Democracy and the Project of Liberal Inclusion

Cited by 10 publications

References 13 publications

What’s Left? Political orientation, economic conditions and incarceration in Greece under Syriza-led government

What’s Left? Political orientation, economic conditions and incarceration in Greece under Syriza-led government

Punishment and political systems: State punitiveness in post-dictatorial Greece

Does democracy matter? Comparative perspectives on violence and democratic institutions

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