Consonant effects on tonal registers in Jiashan Wu

Jiang, Bing'er; Kuang, Jianjing

doi:10.3765/plsa.v1i0.3730

Cited by 6 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…Mazatec (Garellek & Keating, 2011), Chanthaburi Khmer (Wayland & Jongman, 2003), Southern Yi (Kuang, 2011), White Hmong (Esposito, 2012;Garellek, 2012;Garellek & Esposito, 2018), Gujarati (Khan, 2012), Marathi (Berkson, 2019), Mon (Abramson, Tiede, & Luangthongkum, 2015), Madurese (Misnadin, Kirby, & Remijsen, 2015), Cao Bằng (Pittayaporn & Kirby, 2017). However, this result is consistent with the findings in recent studies on some other closely related Wu dialects, such as Jiashan Wu (Jiang and Kuang, 2016). It is perhaps a common property shared by Northern Wu dialects.…”

Section: Relative Glottal Opening and The Vibratory Pattern Of The Vosupporting

confidence: 86%

The phonetic properties of the non-modal phonation in Shanghainese

Tian¹,

Kuang²

2019

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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This study investigates the acoustic and articulatory properties of phonation contrast in Shanghainese, the most thoroughly studied Chinese Wu dialect. Although studies generally suggest that the non-modal phonation associated with the lower register in Shanghainese is relatively breathier, it is unclear whether it is 'breathy voice,' 'slack voice' or 'whispery voice.'This study aims to provide a better understanding of the phonetic realization of the non-modal phonation in Shanghainese. Simultaneous audio and electroglottographic recordings were made from 52 speakers born before 1980. Both acoustic and articulatory data confirmed that the nonmodal phonation in Shanghainese is produced with relatively less glottal constriction and more aperiodic noise than the modal phonation. The novel finding of this study is that aperiodic noise plays a much more important role than spectral measures (i.e., indicators of glottal constriction) in the phonetic realization of the non-modal phonation. This property is distinct from the breathier voices in Gujarati, White Hmong and Southern Yi. These results suggest that the non-

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Section: Relative Glottal Opening and The Vibratory Pattern Of The Vosupporting

confidence: 86%

The phonetic properties of the non-modal phonation in Shanghainese

Tian¹,

Kuang²

2019

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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“…The endpoint sounds were selected from recordings of a previous production study on several Wu dialects (Jiang & Kuang, 2016). Various acoustic parameters of breathy voice (*H1, *H1-*H2, *H1-*A1, *H1-*A2, *H1-*A3, CPP) were measured in all 12 speakers.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Others involve voice quality, pitch contour, and duration. Crucially, the upper tonal register is produced with modal voice whereas the lower tonal register is produced with breathy voice (Cao & Maddieson, 1992;Chen, 2010;Gao, Hallé, Honda, Maeda, & Toda, 2011;Zhang & Yan, 2015;Jiang & Kuang, 2016). In addition, in many Wu dialects, the steepness of the contour in contour tones differs in the two registers 2 (e.g., Chen & Gussenhoven, 2015).…”

Section: Wu Chinesementioning

confidence: 99%

Individual and dialect differences in perceiving multiple cues: A tonal register contrast in two Chinese Wu dialects

Jiang

Clayards

Sonderegger

2020

Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology

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This study investigates how multiple cues contribute to multi-dimensional phonological contrasts at both the group level and the individual level, and how dialectal experience shapes listeners' perceptual strategies. We examine a tonal register contrast in two Chinese Wu dialects signaled by three cues: pitch height, voice quality, and pitch contour. We found that 1) at the group level, cue weights are context-specific, i.e., vary by tone, and some contrasts rely more heavily on multiple cues than others; 2) dialectal experience affects listeners' perceptual strategy: Shanghai listeners, with their own dialect having a smaller voice quality distinction, do not rely more on the cue even when listening to stimuli with a clear breathy-modal distinction, comparing to Jiashan listeners; 3) individuals' cue weights are correlated in a positive manner, meaning that some listeners show overall larger cue weights than others; larger variability is found when the contrast has more than one salient cue, in which case individuals have different options of choosing one cue over another as the primary cue and this can work against the positive correlation.

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“…Breathy voice quality is found in lower F0 syllables in tonal languages such as Vietnamese (Brunelle, 2009), Green Hmong (Andruski & Ratliff, 2000) and Wu dialect spoken by Shanghai Chinese speakers (Jiang & Kuang, 2016), and also in non-tonal languages such as Hindi (Ohala, 1973) and Gujarati (Khan, 2012). The phonation types of consonants interact with a tone of syllable.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Tonal development and voice quality in the stops of Seoul Korean

Yu¹

2018

Phonetics Speech Sci.

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Korean stops are currently undergoing a tonogenetic sound change, as found in the Seoul dialect in which a merged VOT of aspirated and lax stops induces F0 to be the primary cue for distinguishing the two stops and the lax stops have lower F0 than the aspirated stops. In tonal languages, low tone is produced with a breathy voice. This study investigated whether there are changes in voice quality with respect to the tonogenetic sound change of Korean stops. Two age groups speaking the Seoul dialect participated in this study: five females and six males born in the 1940s and 1950s and nine females and eight males born in the 1980s and 1990s. This study replicated previous findings of VOT and F0 and further examined H1-H2, H1-A1, and H1-A2 to see how they correlate with the sound change. In the older and younger generations, H1-H2, H1-A1, and H1-A2 were significantly lower after the tense stops than after the aspirated and lax stops, but they were not significantly different after the aspirated and lax stops. However, the younger females exhibited some different results for H1-H2 and H1-A2 than the older generation. In the younger females, the H1-H2 mean was higher after the aspirated stops than it was after the lax stops at the vowel onset, and the H1-H2 difference increased at the vowel midpoint. Although there was an inter-speaker variation in the results of H1-H2 and H1-A1, analyses of individual speakers showed that the H1-H2 and H1-A1 were higher after the lax stops than after the aspirated stops in the younger female speakers. These results indicate that lax stops tend to be breathier than aspirated stops in the younger female speakers. They also indicate that changes in voice quality are on Korean stops with tonal sound change, but are still developing.Non-Commercial License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0) which permits unrestricted non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

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Consonant effects on tonal registers in Jiashan Wu

Cited by 6 publications

References 20 publications

The phonetic properties of the non-modal phonation in Shanghainese

The phonetic properties of the non-modal phonation in Shanghainese

Individual and dialect differences in perceiving multiple cues: A tonal register contrast in two Chinese Wu dialects

Tonal development and voice quality in the stops of Seoul Korean

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