Coarticulation between tone and glottal consonants in Itunyoso Trique

DiCanio, Christian

doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2011.10.006

Cited by 52 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 59 publications

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“…One example of such a language is Jalapa Mazatec (Silverman et al, 1995), where all phonation types (breathy, modal, creaky) may co-occur with all tonal categories (high, mid, low). [Additionally, dimensions of contrast for tone and phonation type in this language also overlap and co-vary in systematic patterns of coarticulation (Garellek and Keating, 2011); see also Itunso Trique (DiCanio, 2012). ] In contrast, other languages combine particular phonations with particular tones.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The role of creaky voice in Cantonese tonal perception

Lam

2014

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America

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There are few studies on the role of phonation cues in the perception of lexical tones in tonal languages where pitch is the primary dimension of contrast. This study shows that listeners are sensitive to creaky phonation in native tonal perception in Cantonese, a language in which the low falling tone, Tone 4, has anecdotally been reported to be sometimes creaky. First, in a multi-speaker corpus of lab speech, it is documented that creak occurs systematically more often on Tone 4 than other tones. Second, for stimuli drawn from this corpus, listeners identified Tone 4 with 20% higher accuracy when it was realized with creak than when it was not. Third, in a two-alternative forced choice task of identifying stimuli as Tone 4 or Tone 6 (the low level tone) isolating creak from any concomitant pitch cues, listeners had a higher proportion of Tone 4 responses for creaky stimuli. Finally, listeners had more Tone 4 responses for creaky stimuli with longer durations of nonmodal phonation. These results underscore that differences in voice quality contribute to human perception of tone alongside f0. Automatic tonal recognition and clinical applications for tone would benefit from attention to voice quality beyond f0 and pitch.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The role of creaky voice in Cantonese tonal perception

Lam

2014

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America

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“…The duration, F 0 contour, and H1-H2 values were examined on the vowel in each target word. H1-H2 closely corresponds to the closed quotient portion of the glottal cycle and is widely used in the analysis of voice quality (Blankenship, 2002;DiCanio, 2009DiCanio, , 2012aEsposito, 2010). Moreover, recent work has demonstrated that this measure is one of the most robust cues listeners use in their perception of non-modal phonation type (Esposito, 2010;Kreiman et al, 2010).…”

Section: Stimulimentioning

confidence: 99%

“…), and vowels with coda breathiness (V¨). In speech production, these contrasts are distinguished by the duration of the modal vowel, H1-H2 (the difference in amplitude between the first and second harmonics), and F 0 (DiCanio, 2012a). Such data predicts that duration will be a cue for all contrasts, but pitch will only be used to distinguish long vowel rimes from vowels with coda breathiness, as this latter contrast is produced with greater pitch perturbation effects.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cue weight in the perception of Trique glottal consonants

DiCanio

2014

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America

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This paper examines the perceptual weight of cues to the coda glottal consonant contrast in Trique (Oto-Manguean) with native listeners. The language contrasts words with no coda (/Vː/) from words with a coda glottal stop (/VɁ/) or breathy coda (/Vɦ/). The results from a speeded AX (same-different) lexical discrimination task show high accuracy in lexical identification for the /Vː/-/Vɦ/ contrast, but lower accuracy for the other contrasts. The second experiment consists of a labeling task where the three acoustic dimensions that distinguished the glottal consonant codas in production [duration, the amplitude difference between the first two harmonics (H1-H2), and F0] were modified orthogonally using step-wise resynthesis. This task determines the relative weight of each dimension in phonological categorization. The results show that duration was the strongest cue. Listeners were only sensitive to changes in H1-H2 for the /Vː/-/Vɦ/ and /Vː/-/VɁ/ contrasts when duration was ambiguous. Listeners were only sensitive to changes in F0 for the /Vː/-/Vɦ/ contrast when both duration and H1-H2 were ambiguous. The perceptual cue weighting for each contrast closely matches existing production data [DiCanio (2012 a). J. Phon. 40, 162-176] Cue weight differences in speech perception are explained by differences in step-interval size and the notion of adaptive plasticity [Francis et al. (2008). J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 124, 1234-1251; Holt and Lotto (2006). J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 119, 3059-3071].

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“…Many studies reconstruct tonogenetic sound change by comparing linguistic data from different time periods of a language or synchronic data from related dialects and languages, where some of the dialects and languages retain the earlier state of consonantal contrast while others have replaced the consonantal contrasts with tonal contrasts (Karlgren, 1966;Haudricourt, 1971;Matisoff, 1973;www.elsevier.com/locate/lingua Available online at www.sciencedirect.com Lingua 134 (2013) 62--74 Kingston, 2005). There are also a number of instrumental phonetic studies of languages in a state of transition from consonantal to tonal contrast (Mazaudon and Michaud, 2008;Chen, 2011;DiCanio, 2012) and also a phonetic study that compares different endpoints of sound change by examining related dialects of a language, one that retains the original consonantal contrast and another that replaced the consonantal contrast with a tonal contrast (Svantesson and House, 2006). Also, there are studies that examine contact-induced synchronic variation in the realization of tonal contrast along a tonogenetic trajectory (Pearce, 2009;Brunelle, 2009).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%