Cleaving the interactions between sluicing and P-stranding

Rodrigues, Cilene; Nevins, Andrew; Vicente, Luı́s

doi:10.1075/cilt.303.11rod

Cited by 59 publications

(80 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…As a reviewer notes, the facts regarding when pseudosluicing is available for the resolution of ellipsis are more complicated than one might expect if it were true that copular clause sources for ellipsis sites were always available as a matter of course, as there are many circumstances in which they seem not to be available (see e.g. Rodrigues et al 2009). However it strikes me that many of the conditions on pseudosluicing may derive from the properties of clefts (see Rodrigues et al 2009) or specific restrictions on the morphological form of ellipsis remnants (see Barros et al 2014) rather than the identity condition itself.…”

Section: (I)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Rodrigues et al 2009). However it strikes me that many of the conditions on pseudosluicing may derive from the properties of clefts (see Rodrigues et al 2009) or specific restrictions on the morphological form of ellipsis remnants (see Barros et al 2014) rather than the identity condition itself. See Barros (2014) for much discussion of these issues.…”

Section: (I)mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Syntactic identity, Parallelism and accommodated antecedents

Thoms

2015

Lingua

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Analyses of the ellipsis identity condition must account for the fact that some syntactic mismatches between an 4 ellipsis site E and its antecedent A are possible while others are not. Previous accounts have suggested that the 5 relevant distinction is between different kinds of heads, such that some heads in the ellipsis site may mismatch while 6 others may not, and they have dealt with this sensitivity to a set of "special heads" with a built-for-purpose syntactic 7 identity condition which holds over and above semantic identity to constrain ellipsis. In this article I argue against 8 this approach and pursue an alternative which holds that identity is syntactic but "loose" in a precisely defined way. 9I show that the relevant generalization that accounts for syntactic identity effects in sluicing and VP-ellipsis-like 10 constructions concerns the position of variables in the antecedent, rather than the feature content of syntactic heads. 11I propose an implementation of syntactic identity which allows for the accommodation of additional antecedents, 12 with these being derived by a grammatical algorithm for generating alternatives, and I show that this implementation 13 derives the right kinds of looseness while restricting mismatches with respect to the position of variables, thus deriving 14 both the tolerable and intolerable mismatches between E and A without recourse to a specific condition regulating the 15 content of special heads. Much work on the ellipsis identity condition has revolved around the analysis of syntactic mismatches 20 between the ellipsis site E and its antecedent A. These fall into two broad categories: tolerable mismatches, 21 and intolerable mismatches. The existence of tolerable mismatches indicate that the identity condition 22 cannot be one of strict isomorphism between E and A, but rather something looser, and they have been used 23 by some (e.g. Merchant 2001, Merchant 2005, Potsdam 2007, Thoms 2013 to argue in favour of a strictly 24 semantic formulation of the identity condition, which allows the relevant differences in syntactic form. 26(1) a. I remember meeting him, but I don't remember when I met him. 27b. Decorating for the holidays is easy if you know how to decorate for the holidays. 28However, recent work (e.g. Chung 2013, Merchant 2013b, Saab to appear) has concentrated on demonstrat- 29ing the existence of intolerable mismatches: that is, mismatches between E and A which seem to cause the 30 identity condition to fail (attested by the ungrammaticality of certain construals of ellipses). The intolera-31 ble mismatches in question are of significance because they seem not to be ruled out by semantic identity 32 * For discussion and feedback I thank Matt Barros, Patrick Elliott, Anikó Liptḱ, Andrés Saab and the audience at the Leiden "identity in ellipsis" workshop, as well as four reviewers whose insightful comments improved this paper substantially. For help with data I thank Gillebrde MacMillan and all the staff and other members of the Gaelic-speaking community ...

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Section: (I)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: (I)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Syntactic identity, Parallelism and accommodated antecedents

Thoms

2015

Lingua

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“…I provide novel evidence that Indonesian presents a problem for this generalization since it disallows P-stranding under whmovement but allows this option under sluicing. I show that potential alternative analyses resorting to clefts, resumption, and PF P-drop, which have been proposed for other languages with the superficially identical P-stranding profile, including Brazilian Portuguese (Rodrigues et al 2009; pace Almeida and Yoshida 2007), Spanish (Rodriguez et al 2009;Vicente 2008), Polish (Szczegelniak 2006(Szczegelniak , 2008, French (Rodriguez et al 2009), Mandarin Chinese (Wang 2006) and Serbo-Croatian (Stjepanović 2008), are not transportable to Indonesian P-less sluicing.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 94%

P-stranding under sluicing and repair by ellipsis: why is Indonesian (not) special?

Sato

2011

J East Asian Linguist

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This paper presents novel evidence that P-stranding in Indonesian contradicts Merchant's (The syntax of silence: sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis, 2001) generalization that P-stranding under sluicing is possible only in those languages that allow this option under regular wh-movement. It is proposed that this apparently special pattern is accounted for by the recent idea of repair by ellipsis (Ross, in Binnick et al. (eds.) Papers from the 5th Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, 1969; Merchant, The syntax of silence: sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis; Lasnik, M: Kim and Strauss (eds.) Proceedings of NELS 31, 2001). Specifically, the failure of percolation of the wh-feature is repaired by PF deletion. P-stranding in French and German cannot be so repaired since the violation in question is a strictly computational violation caused by D-to-P incorporation. Our cross-linguistic examination of P-stranding suggests a bifurcated view of violations (Boeckx and Lasnik in Linguistic Inquiry 37: 150-155, 2006); violations pertaining to the syntax-phonology interface in principle can be repaired whereas violations incurred within the syntactic computation cannot. This contrast in ''reparability'' naturally falls out from a minimalist architecture of the syntaxphonology interface. A broader implication of the present analysis is that syntax is itself not a crash-proof system in the sense of Frampton and Gutmann (Syntax 2:1-27, 1999; Derivation and explanation in the minimalist program. Blackwell, Oxford, 2002); it could produce certain operational failures, but language-particular parameters afford a bit of leeway for PF to remedy them at the syntax-phonology interface.

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“…Aside Gbe languages, another language that was found to exhibit this kind of sluicing is Brazilian Portuguese. Rodrigues et al (2009) argue that the following example contains a free relative complement to the verb conheço:…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A different approach to account for the constituency of mɛ̀ ɖĕ and its position in the left periphery would be to assume that this element adjoins to the TP and reprojects into a NP/DP (Rodrigues et al 2009;Donati & Cecchetto 2011). First, this analysis fails to account for the snowballing movement observed in relative clauses as discussed in Aboh (2005).…”

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confidence: 99%