Chapter 5. Pied-piping in degree wh-clauses in Spanish

Abstract

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Lexical Variation in Degree wh‐questions in Spanish and the Internal Structure of wh‐phrases1

“… Under this analysis, a null partitive Case marker would also precede the adjective in cuán/qué tan +A. I leave open the possibility that (overt and covert) de projects a Kase Phrase dominating AP, as proposed by Martí (2010) for preposition de in the nominal partitive construction. Note, however, that both cómo de and cuánto de , unlike cuán and qué tan , allow for the discontinuous (non‐pied‐piping) structures in (ia), alongside the pied‐piping structures in (2c,d):(i)a.¿Cómo/CuántoesAnadealta?how/how muchisAnnoftall‘How tall is Ann?’b.*¿Cuán/QuétanesAnaalta?how much/whatsoisAnntallIn the case of discontinuous [ cómo/cuánto…de+A ], following Eguren & Pastor (2020), I take de to be a true preposition with an aboutness interpretation, which allows for a reanalysis operation whereby de +A becomes a verbal adjunct and cómo/cuánto is now an independent constituent (a maximal projection) that moves to the CP domain on its own, thus giving rise to the non‐pied‐piping structure in (ia). Eguren and Pastor also argue that, given that reanalysis must always have an interpretive effect to take place (Bosque and Gallego 2014), this can only be obtained in the cases under consideration if de ‘of’, which can convey an aboutness meaning, is present.…”