Changes in household composition among the over sixties: a longitudinal analysis of the Health and Lifestyles Surveys

Abstract

Analyses of longitudinal data from the Health and Lifestyles Surveys (HALS) were carried out in order to examine the household changes of older people. Respondents who were interviewed at both the first HALS survey in 1984/85 (HALS1) and the second survey 7 years later (HALS2) and were aged 60 or over in HALS1 were selected (1156). Changes in household composition between the two surveys were examined and the relationship of these changes to socio-demographic factors and to both cross-sectional and longitudinal health factors investigated. Results of the analysis showed there was great diversity of experience and a considerable amount of change in what is often considered a fairly stable and homogeneous section of the population. Almost one-third of respondents changed household type, the majority changing to live alone and only a small proportion changing to live in households with their child/children or with others. Household changes were associated with poor and declining health (both physical and mental) and the rate of change was found to increase with age. In the case of ill health the first source of practical support and care is generally from within the household. Where this is not available it is sought from the wider community or the state. An increase in the proportion of the population aged over 60 and in the numbers of the oldest people, coupled with a rate of household change that increases with age, means that demand on health and community services can only be expected to increase.

Living Arrangements and Health Status in Later Life: A Review of Recent Literature

“…Changes in household composition in situ are relatively rare (Hayes & Al‐Hamad, 1997; Jackson et al., 1991; Lichtenberg, MacNeill, & Mast, 2000; Mutchler & Burr, 1991; Pendry, Barrett, & Victor, 1999). Exceptions include several studies of incident intergenerational co‐residence (Al‐Hamad, Flowerdew, & Hayes, 1997; Mickus, Stommel, & Given, 1997; Roan & Raley, 1996; Speare, Avery, & Lawton, 1991; Worobey & Angel, 1990a), and life years of co‐residence (Schoeni, 1998).…”

“…There is less evidence to conclude that other health changes destabilize households. For example, little is known of the impact on living arrangements of specific incident disease or changes in mental health or cognitive status (Bannister, Ballard, Lana, Fairbairn, & Wilcock, 1998; Miller et al., 1999; Pendry et al., 1999). A small amount of literature suggests that sequential triggering events can have multiplicative effects (Bradsher et al., 1992; Breeze et al., 1999) and that a single triggering event such as a hospitalization can have persistent effects on living arrangements over time (Kane et al., 1999).…”

“…Chronic conditions and kin evaluations are contextual factors that may play key facilitating roles with respect to late‐life residential instability but have not received adequate attention (Lawton, Weisman, Sloane, & Calkins, 1997). A few studies, using primarily summary measures of chronic medical conditions, suggest that they interact with household composition to predict residential instability, depression, and mortality (Al‐Hamad et al., 1997; Davis et al., 1996; Dean et al., 1992; Iliffe et al., 1992; Lichtenberg et al., 2000; Pendry et al., 1999; Speare et al., 1991). Specific chronic conditions may preclude living alone (Mui et al., 1994).…”

Mortality at older ages and moves in residential and sheltered housing: evidence from the UK

“…Research on mortality and housing transitions over shorter timescales at older ages has focused on palliative care 7 8. Transitions into residential housing have been studied in relation to solo living,9 10 demographic factors6 11 12 and socioeconomic characteristics 4. However, relatively little research has examined moves from the private sector into sheltered and residential housing and how such moves are associated with subsequent mortality risk.…”

Health and Living Arrangements Among Older Americans

“…To this date, investigators often limit their analyses of health effects on living arrangements among women who are not married (Burr & Mutchler, 1992) or focus on the main effects of health and marital status (Hays et al, 2003). There is little knowledge of how health effects interact with other key determinants of living arrangements (Pendry, Barrett, & Victor, 1999). For instance, health decline may be more consequential in affecting the probability of and transition to coresidence with children among those without a spouse than those with.…”