2009
DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2009000200003
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Brasil: dos décadas de democracia

Abstract: Agradecemos a Octávio Amorim Neto por el incentivo para la producción de este artículo, por la lectura atenta y por los comentarios y sugerencias. bRasil: dos déCadas de demoCRaCia*

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1

Citation Types

0
1
0
1

Year Published

2010
2010
2020
2020

Publication Types

Select...
4

Relationship

0
4

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 4 publications
(2 citation statements)
references
References 5 publications
0
1
0
1
Order By: Relevance
“…If the impeachment itself is not sufficient to give reason to those who see Brazilian coalition presidentialism as a regime vulnerable to crises of decision-making, it does underline the importance of being able to establish and maintain a coalition of support in Congress. Overall, there were no relevant changes in the government coalition, with the maintenance of a similar distribution of power between government and opposition within the Legislature since Lula's government (Amorim Neto and Coelho 2008;Anastasia and Melo 2009;Renno 2010;Melo and Santos 2013). But the changes in the dynamics of the Congress, mentioned above, added to the party system fragmentation and the corruption crisis installed after 2014 demanded greater capacity for negotiation on the part of the President.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…If the impeachment itself is not sufficient to give reason to those who see Brazilian coalition presidentialism as a regime vulnerable to crises of decision-making, it does underline the importance of being able to establish and maintain a coalition of support in Congress. Overall, there were no relevant changes in the government coalition, with the maintenance of a similar distribution of power between government and opposition within the Legislature since Lula's government (Amorim Neto and Coelho 2008;Anastasia and Melo 2009;Renno 2010;Melo and Santos 2013). But the changes in the dynamics of the Congress, mentioned above, added to the party system fragmentation and the corruption crisis installed after 2014 demanded greater capacity for negotiation on the part of the President.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…También se configuró una lógica de partidos cartel, donde hubo una significativa cooperación intrapartidaria entre gobierno y oposición para asegurar la posición dominante y el acceso a recursos estatales. Y en años recientes, algunos actores se han posicionado a la izquierda del PT y han ido ganando espacios, como el Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) (Sousa, 2010;Floriano, 2013;Mainwaring y Pérez-Liñán, 2016;Levitsky, 2005;Von Bülow y Lassance, 2012;Anastasia y Ranulfo, 2009;Lamounier y Neto, 2005;Ranulfo y Santos, 2013;Moreira, 2006).…”
Section: Transiciones: Quiebre Y Retorno De La Democraciaunclassified