“…Inhabiting the northern area of the Piedmont, Late Woodland peoples erected politically autonomous palisaded villages and practiced relatively egalitarian social relations; mortuary evidence suggests that gender and age were important axes of identity that differentially impacted burial treatment (Beck 2013:47–48; Eastman 2001). In contrast, South Appalachian Mississippians, located in the central and southern portions of the Piedmont, negotiated hierarchical social relationships, constructed earthen mounds on which they held feasting events performed for large audiences, and created regional, multicommunity polities (i.e., chiefdoms) with political centers that exercised control over surrounding villages (Beck 2013:30, 33; Boudreaux 2007; Ward and Davis 1999:119). Figure 1.Approximate locations of study sites, Native towns/groups, and assorted landmarks mentioned in the text.…”
Section: Late Woodland and Early Colonial-period Life In The North Camentioning
Engagement in sustained encounters with colonial actors had long-lasting demographic, social, and political consequences for Native American inhabitants of Southeastern North America during the colonial period (AD 1670–1783). Less clear is whether Native peoples who did not regularly trade with colonists also felt the destabilization experienced by more closely affiliated groups. This article explores Native lifeways in the seventeenth-century Eno River valley of the North Carolina Piedmont, a context for which archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence have produced divergent narratives. While extant archaeological findings suggest that daily life from 1650 to 1680 continued virtually unchanged from the preceding Late Woodland period, ethnohistoric accounts indicate that this area was victimized by Native slavers who abducted countless women and children. Seeking to reconcile these narratives, I conducted a diachronic analysis of botanical remains and architecture. Archaeobotanical data reveal that Jenrette site (AD 1650–1680) occupants adopted foodways that differed significantly from those of their Late Woodland predecessors, while architectural evidence indicates a brief village occupation. I argue that Eno River valley inhabitants introduced risk-averse subsistence practices that would have aided in coping with the threat and consequences of slave raiding and that these practices occurred within a social climate of fear and uncertainty that is documented ethnohistorically.
“…Inhabiting the northern area of the Piedmont, Late Woodland peoples erected politically autonomous palisaded villages and practiced relatively egalitarian social relations; mortuary evidence suggests that gender and age were important axes of identity that differentially impacted burial treatment (Beck 2013:47–48; Eastman 2001). In contrast, South Appalachian Mississippians, located in the central and southern portions of the Piedmont, negotiated hierarchical social relationships, constructed earthen mounds on which they held feasting events performed for large audiences, and created regional, multicommunity polities (i.e., chiefdoms) with political centers that exercised control over surrounding villages (Beck 2013:30, 33; Boudreaux 2007; Ward and Davis 1999:119). Figure 1.Approximate locations of study sites, Native towns/groups, and assorted landmarks mentioned in the text.…”
Section: Late Woodland and Early Colonial-period Life In The North Camentioning
Engagement in sustained encounters with colonial actors had long-lasting demographic, social, and political consequences for Native American inhabitants of Southeastern North America during the colonial period (AD 1670–1783). Less clear is whether Native peoples who did not regularly trade with colonists also felt the destabilization experienced by more closely affiliated groups. This article explores Native lifeways in the seventeenth-century Eno River valley of the North Carolina Piedmont, a context for which archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence have produced divergent narratives. While extant archaeological findings suggest that daily life from 1650 to 1680 continued virtually unchanged from the preceding Late Woodland period, ethnohistoric accounts indicate that this area was victimized by Native slavers who abducted countless women and children. Seeking to reconcile these narratives, I conducted a diachronic analysis of botanical remains and architecture. Archaeobotanical data reveal that Jenrette site (AD 1650–1680) occupants adopted foodways that differed significantly from those of their Late Woodland predecessors, while architectural evidence indicates a brief village occupation. I argue that Eno River valley inhabitants introduced risk-averse subsistence practices that would have aided in coping with the threat and consequences of slave raiding and that these practices occurred within a social climate of fear and uncertainty that is documented ethnohistorically.
“…Biochemical studies may give us direct links between the vessels and the contents they originally held and thus can help not only to explain the actual function of individual ceramic finds, but also various other questions concerning pottery use. 1 1 In parallel, the analysis of morphological characteristics of vessels, analysis of pottery manufacturing technology (techno-functional analysis), analysis of use-alterations, studies of archaeological contexts (e.g., Ashley 2001;Wilson, Rodning 2002;Braun 2010;Boudreaux III 2010), as well as ethnographic analogy (e.g. , Costin 2000;Hegmon 2000;Eerkens 2005.…”
This paper discusses the use of ceramic objects in daily life in the Early Eneolithic period, based on ceramic assemblages from the settlement at Zgornje Radvanje in Maribor. The possible function of individual pottery types was studied through typological analysis, pottery production methods, traces of secondary burning and carbonized residues, and ethnographic parallels. The function of different types of settlement structure is discussed on the basis of statistical comparisons of the composition of ceramic assemblages.
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