Nomes secretos e riqueza visível: nominação no noroeste amazônico

Abstract

A importância dos sistemas de nominação para a compreensão das sociedades e culturas ameríndias é hoje amplamente reconhecida, mas as informações sobre esse tópico concernentes aos povos Tukano do Noroeste Amazônico permanecem esparsas e dispersas. Tomando os Barasana e seus vizinhos como referência, este artigo apresenta alguns dados básicos quanto à onomástica tukano e discute similaridades entre as patrilinhagens tukano e os grupos de perfil "matrilinear" entre os Jê e os Bororo. Em ambos os casos, nomes e ornamentos estão ligados enquanto aspectos da riqueza e do espírito dos grupos. Por meio de um exame da transmissão onomástica como um dos componentes dos rituais que envolvem o nascimento, o artigo explora também a relação entre nomes, sangue, ossos e sopro como aspectos da pessoa. Finalmente, situa a onomástica tukano em um contexto comparativo mais amplo, argumentando que sua combinação de exonímia e endonímia, assim como a ausência de transmissão intervivos, a distingue das formas mais "puras" de endonímia encontradas entre os Bororo e os Kayapó.<br>The importance of systems of naming for an understanding of Amerindian society and culture is now widely recognized but information on this topic relating to the Tukanoan-speaking peoples of north-west Amazonia remains sparse and scattered. Using the Barasana and their neighbours as a point of reference, this article presents some basic data on Tukanoan onomastics and discusses points of similarity between Tukanoan patrilineages and the matrilineage-like groupings amongst the Gê and Bororo. In each case, names and ornaments are linked as aspects of corporate wealth, property and spirit. Through an examination of name transmission as one component of the rituals surrounding childbirth, the article also explores the relation between names, blood, bone and breath as aspects of personhood. Finally it sets Tukanoan onomastics in a wider comparative context, arguing that their combination of exonymy and endonymy and absence of inter-vivos name transmission sets the Tukanoans apart from the more 'pure' form of endonymy found amongst the Bororo and Kayapo

The role of the Ifá in the construction of the person in relation to death: Psychology’s interface with ideas from the Adjatado of Dogbo, in Benin

“…In the Adjatado culture, as to other indigenous peoples and cultures (cf. Hugh-Jones, 2002; Watzlawik et al, 2016) the name is a cultural mark. The ways of naming children and the reflection about naming shows, to some extent, how a person belongs to the culture.…”

Música popular indígena: encantar-se ou desencantar-se para entender?

“…Os estudos que foram desenvolvidos sobre a paisagem etnográfica do Noroeste Amazônico indicam o compartilhamento de conhecimentos, mitos, instrumentos musicais, repertórios e outros sistemas simbólicos que formam a cultura indígena do Alto Rio Negro (Descola, 1992;Hugh-Jones, 2002;Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1968;Piedade, 1997).…”

Monteverdi’s unruly women and their Amazonian sisters

“…Üsü is also manifest in the personal names and feather ornaments owned by particular Tukanoan groups. With names passing between alternating generations and ornaments inherited from the past, buried with the dead and returning to animate future generations, names and ornaments are linked as enduring and circulating sources of vitality and identity (see Hugh-Jones 2002, 2006, 2018). Considerations such as these explain why the Tukano origin story concerns a journey of feather ornaments giving rise to human beings, why the journey takes 9-months, and why shamans recapitulate this origin story during the shamanic procedures involved in name-giving (see Hugh-Jones 2002, 2006) and why Barasana involved in Bible translation use üsü to render ‘soul/ alma ’ (see Jones and Jones 2009, 319).…”

“…Üsü is also manifest in the personal names and feather ornaments owned by particular Tukanoan groups. With names passing between alternating generations and ornaments inherited from the past, buried with the dead and returning to animate future generations, names and ornaments are linked as enduring and circulating sources of vitality and identity (see Hugh-Jones 2002, 2006, 2018).…”

“…Considerations such as these explain why the Tukano origin story concerns a journey of feather ornaments giving rise to human beings, why the journey takes 9-months, and why shamans recapitulate this origin story during the shamanic procedures involved in name-giving (see Hugh-Jones 2002, 2006) and why Barasana involved in Bible translation use üsü to render ‘soul/ alma ’ (see Jones and Jones 2009, 319). Much the same considerations would apply to the Tukano êheri pō’ra (see Ramirez 2019, 47).…”