A política externa de Lula da Silva: a estratégia da autonomia pela diversificação

Abstract

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar as mudanças trazidas pela política externa do primeiro governo Lula da Silva (2003-2006). Para discutir o tema, utilizaremos o trabalho de Hermann (1990) sobre as motivações das mudanças na política externa dos Estados, integrando-o com insights construtivistas, que são úteis para examinar o papel das idéias na formulação da política externa brasileira depois de 2003. Para complementar nossa análise, utilizaremos três noções - "autonomia pela distância", "autonomia pela participação" e "autonomia pela diversificação" - que explicam as principais transformações pelas quais passou a política externa brasileira da década de 1980 até meados da primeira década deste século. Concluiremos demonstrando como a idéia de "autonomia pela diversificação" se aplica melhor ao período analisado, considerando que os dois primeiros níveis de Hermann, ajustes e mudanças de programa aconteceram de fato. Sugerimos que o terceiro nível, mudanças de problemas/metas, poderá efetivar-se com a consolidação e ampliação dos dois primeiros níveis.

Foreign aid and the governance of international financial organizations: the Brazilian-bloc case in the IMF and the World Bank

“…However, it is from the time of the first government of Lula that SSDC gained prominence, being perceived with greater clarity as an instrument of Brazilian foreign policy, and being used as such. From 2003 onwards, the strategy of the integration of the country through the promotion of alliances and agreements with partners of the South, in order to reduce the asymmetries in relations with developed countries and increase Brazilian negotiating capacity, was strengthened (HIRST, LIMA and PINHEIRO, 2010;OLIVEIRA and ONUKI, 2012;PINHEIRO and GAIO, 2014;VIGEVANI and CEPALUNI, 2007). Faria and Paradis (2013) claim that the "solidarity" character of the international integration strategy adopted by Brazil after Lula's arrival into power, A n g o l a A l g e r i a S e n e g a l P a r a g u a y U r u g u a y C u b a B o l i v i a B e n i n G h a n a P e r u A r g e n t i n a C o s t a R i c a K e n y a P a n a m a B u s i n e s s a n d o t h e r s e r v i c e s E n v i r o n m e n t a l p r o t e c t i o n W a t e r s u p p l y a n d s a n i t a t i o n S e c u r i t y T r a d e p o l i c y a n d r e g u l a t i o n s M i n e r a l r e s o u r c e s a n d m i n i n g E n e r g y g e n e r a t i o n a n d s u p p l y T o u r i s m B a n k i n g a n d f i n a n c i a l s e r v i c e s D i s a s t e r p r e v e n t i o n a n d p r e p a r e d n e s s…”

A global conversation: rethinking IPE in post-hegemonic scenarios

“…As many scholars have recognised, Brazil's political style and motivations have been guided by economic development rather than regional hegemony. In many ways, its political-economic history has been driven by a tension between the search for power and the search for development (Vigevani and Cepaluni 2007). This tension has supported pragmatic policies towards regional integration and multilateralism.…”

Rendering peacekeeping instrumental? The Brazilian approach to United Nations peacekeeping during the Lula da Silva years (2003-2010)

“…1 Accordingly, one of the instruments adopted to pursue that goal was participation in peace operations (Wrobel and Herz, 2002). In the 2000s, during the eight years under Lula da Silva's government, this strategy was maintained (Vigevani and Cepaluni, 2007) and Brazil thus accepted an important military role in MINUSTAH, as well as progressively increasing its numerical participation in other UN peacekeeping missions -see Section 2 below.…”

“…In fact, a number of analysts have often associated the Brazilian engagement in Haiti to Itamaraty's alleged quest for a permanent seat at the UNSC and/or its desire to consolidate a position of leadership in Latin America (see, e.g., Burges, 2008;Vigevani and Cepaluni, 2007;Gratius, 2007;Diniz, 2006;Gauthier and Sousa, 2006). Another recent discussion within the same realistic assumption concerning the instrumental use of peacekeeping is provided by Alsina.…”