1997
DOI: 10.1590/s0102-64451997000100004
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A agenda constituinte e a difícil governabilidade

Abstract: A política brasileira tem se caracterizado, nos anos que se seguiram ao fim do regime militar, pela constitucionalização da agenda governamental. Obrigados a formar amplas coalizões que ultrapassam a necessidade corriqueira de maioria absoluta no Congresso, os chefes do Executivo enfrentam dificuldades maiores do que aquelas que normalmente caracterizam os sistemas presidencialistas. Além de um sistema político consociativo, o Brasil tem se defrontado com uma agenda ultraconsociativa.

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Cited by 33 publications
(12 citation statements)
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“…The reduction in investments and restrictions on wage increases and new public sector hirings, even for state-owned companies, displeased a good part of the regime's social and political support base, especially sectors of private industry and urban middle classes with jobs in the civil service and state-owned companies. Social discontent with the structural adjustment was a key factor in the mass movement for political "rights now", which started in the early months of 1984 and accelerated the political transition (Sallum Jr., 1994, 2003Couto, 1997;Arturi, nov. 2001). Although the movement did not achieve its main goal -direct elections for the president of the republic -it did prevent Paulo Maluf from being officially named as a presidential candidate as it attracted key political figures from the Aliança Renovadora Nacional (Arena) party, including Antonio Carlos Magalhães, Aureliano Chaves, José Sarney and Marco Maciel, who distanced themselves from the regime and supported the opposition candidate, Tancredo Neves (Sallum Jr., 1994).…”
Section: Contradictions On the Home Frontmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…The reduction in investments and restrictions on wage increases and new public sector hirings, even for state-owned companies, displeased a good part of the regime's social and political support base, especially sectors of private industry and urban middle classes with jobs in the civil service and state-owned companies. Social discontent with the structural adjustment was a key factor in the mass movement for political "rights now", which started in the early months of 1984 and accelerated the political transition (Sallum Jr., 1994, 2003Couto, 1997;Arturi, nov. 2001). Although the movement did not achieve its main goal -direct elections for the president of the republic -it did prevent Paulo Maluf from being officially named as a presidential candidate as it attracted key political figures from the Aliança Renovadora Nacional (Arena) party, including Antonio Carlos Magalhães, Aureliano Chaves, José Sarney and Marco Maciel, who distanced themselves from the regime and supported the opposition candidate, Tancredo Neves (Sallum Jr., 1994).…”
Section: Contradictions On the Home Frontmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The incorporation of a broader set of forces, including sectors that had supported the military, the distortion of electoral representation 7 v.21, n.1, jan.-mar. 2014 7 between different regions of the country, and the enablement of political dispersion into multiple parties helped strengthen traditional conservative forces and restrict the reach of social change (Couto, 1997;Sallum Jr., 2003;Arretche, Rodden, 2004). Illustrative of the presence of conservative forces in the new political pact were both the formation of the "big center" (centrão) during the drafting of the constitution and its involvement in the many coalitions needed to support the Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff governments.…”
Section: Contradictions On the Home Frontmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…O caso brasileiro possui as três características acima apontadas e, historicamente, a montagem do gabinete presidencial passa pelo convívio de características majoritárias e consociativas (Couto, 1997). Dentre as características consociativas, destacam-se, primeiro, o grande número de partidos relevantes no Congresso, a indisciplina partidária e as constantes mudanças de legenda, obrigando o presidente a montar um gabinete bastante heterogêneo e difícil de controlar -mesmo no primeiro governo de Fernando Henrique, considerado forte em comparação ao restante da história republicana brasileira, o presidente precisou dividir o seu Ministério com cinco partidos, com fidelidade nem sempre garantida.…”
Section: Presidencialismo E Burocracia No Brasil: a Formação Dos Gabiunclassified
“…A existência de um limite inferior de oito deputados por estado e um limite superior de 70, dá origem a um quadro que já foi descrito como de "egregious malapportionment" (Mainwaring, 1999, p. 267). A criação em 1988 de quatro novos estados (os antigos territórios federais do Acre, Roraima e Amapá e o 9 As possibilidades e dificuldades do uso deste conceito são discutidas em Lamounier (1995), Souza (1997), Couto (1997) e Azevedo & Melo (1997).…”
Section: Interrogantes E Aporiasunclassified