Crise e renovação da esquerda na América Latina

Bresser-Pereira, Luiz Carlos

doi:10.1590/s0102-64451990000100003

Cited by 10 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…Hayek, partindo da crítica às "economias planejadas" decorrentes do intervencionismo estatal praticado na Alemanha nazista, no socialismo soviético, assim como nas economias inspiradas no modelo keynesiano, concluiu que as causas principais da crise econômica do início dos anos 70 foram, de um lado, a excessiva intervenção do Estado na economia que impede os mecanismos de mercado se autorregularem automaticamente. E, de outro lado, como descreve Bresser-Pereira (1991), o poder sindical da classe trabalhadora que, ao impedir a livre negociação e pressionar no sentido da elevação dos salários, reduz os lucros das empresas, afetando seus negócios, além de provocar surtos inflacionários que, por sua vez, agravam ainda mais a crise. Segundo Hayek, contrariamente a tais práticas "foi a submissão às forças impessoais do mercado que possibilitou o progresso de uma civilização que, sem isso, não se teria desenvolvido.…”

Section: Ideário Econômico Neoliberalunclassified

“…Anos depois, em 1989, em decorrência de uma grave crise que vinha assolando a América Latina ao longo desta década, se encontraram em Washington, nos EUA, economistas, representantes de bancos (Fundo Monetário Internacional -FMI, Banco Mundial) e de instituições governamentais, a fim de analisarem medidas, não necessariamente inéditas, para a promoção do crescimento econômico na região. Como ainda descreve Bresser-Pereira (1991), tais medidas foram consolidadas, pelo economista Williamson, em um texto denominado Consenso de Washington, composto de dez medidas que se resumem, basicamente, em três principais recomendações: abertura econômica e comercial do país; prevalência de uma economia de mercado e controle fiscal na gestão do Estado. Tais medidas passaram a ser reconhecidas como o fulcro do ideário econômico neoliberal e, tendo em vista os objetivos deste estudo, são expostas resumidamente a seguir.…”

Section: Ideário Econômico Neoliberalunclassified

See 1 more Smart Citation

Constituição do ser neoliberal

Beloque

2023

Pesqui. debate

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

O estudo visa contribuir para o entendimento da racionalidade neoliberal que, sobretudo a partir de 1980-90, vem condicionando: (i) um ideário econômico que vem orientando a gestão da atividade econômica e políticas que privilegiam o mercado; (ii) práticas governamentais que se opõem a um Estado do bem-estar social, mas reivindicam intervenção do Estado sempre que maximizam a acumulação de capital; (iii) formas de relações sociais que visam, não gerir a economia a fim de minimizar as desigualdades econômico-sociais entre os indivíduos, mas, sim, adaptar a sociedade ao mercado e, por fim, (iv) a constituição de uma subjetividade neoliberal do sujeito que reproduz essa racionalidade.

show abstract

Section: Ideário Econômico Neoliberalunclassified

Constituição do ser neoliberal

Beloque

2023

Pesqui. debate

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…During this period, economic policies were implemented and were justified as an instrument to combat the effects of the economic crisis that appeared in the region in the 1980s. Essentially, these changes were aimed at reducing state intervention in the economy and strengthening the market as a provider of goods and services (Bresser-Pereira, 1996; Przeworski, 1996; Almeida, 2005) [ 12 – 14 ].…”

Section: Literature Review—latin American Economies Meandering Between Taylor’s Rule and The Right Governments At The Right Timementioning

confidence: 99%

Taylor’s rule, political cycle, and Latin America—An analysis of time series in search of responsibility for monetary stabilization

Oliveira

Mourão

2021

PLoS ONE

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The decades before 1990 were dramatic for Latin American economies. However, from 1990 onwards, a set of policies followed by the various states in the region acheived economic stabilization with real income recovery. The attribution of this success has been disputed by politicians, economists and officials from international economic support institutions. This work will analyze the responsibility for this success in 4 economies in the region (Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Peru). Through the combined analysis of ARDL, Markov states and structural breaks, we highlight different sources of responsibility in different periods. Additionally, detailing the states of each regime, we verify the duration of the regimes related to inflation rates and to interest rates in the region. We identify specific governments as associated with moments of economic stabilization in the region, so the hypothesis of the political cycle cannot be rejected for the set of results achieved. As policy implication, we claim that Taylor rules are endogenous to Political Budget Cycles and so stabilization plans are restricted to political tenures.

show abstract

“…Durante a década de 1980e 1990, Bresser-Pereira (1990 observa que a nova esquerda latino-americana que emergia concomitantemente ao colapso da URSS era inspirada na esquerda europeia ocidental das décadas de 1950 e 1960. Ou seja, a socialdemocracia era entendida como a nova esquerda, a esquerda progressista, pois combinava uma agenda social com governança democrática.…”

Section: A Esquerda Na América Latina a Partir Da Década De 1980unclassified

O papel do Chavismo e do Lulismo na integração regional latino-americana

Moda¹

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

At the beginning of the 21st century, Latin America experienced an almost synchronized political change in many counties in what turned out to be known as the "Pink tide" for which many progressivists governments came to power. After almost two decades of pernicious neoliberalism and the production of millions of extremely poor individuals, new winds blowed in the region. The present dissertation sought to present the influence of Chavism and Lulism, as political phenomena, in regional integration through two international organizations: the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America-Treaty of Peoples Trade (ALBA-TCP). In developing a comparative study between these two phenomena, we sought to analyze the antecedents of Lullism and Chavism, as well as its characteristics as a government, especially their regional foreign policy. It was identified, therefore, that these governments had some similars goals in foreign policy being regional integration one of them. However, they aimed to set a new standard on cooperation processes by adopting a post-neoliberal or post-hegemonic regionalism. These new integrationist attempts were based subjects other than economic and commercial ones but prioritized education, health, social security and development, infrastructure, regional peace and security, and conflict resolution fields. Brazil and Venezuela have sought to extend their zones of influence in South America and the Caribbean through regional integration. They do it by what we call a strategic voluntarism by which they calculate the costs and benefits by sponsoring Latin American integration. Due to the state-oriented characteristics of these governments intergovernmentalism theory looks like the most feasible to understand the absence of assignment of sovereignty to UNASUR and ALBA. A factor that has a direct impact to mesure the consolidation of a potential model of regional governance.

show abstract

Crise e renovação da esquerda na América Latina

Cited by 10 publications

References 0 publications

Constituição do ser neoliberal

Constituição do ser neoliberal

Taylor’s rule, political cycle, and Latin America—An analysis of time series in search of responsibility for monetary stabilization

O papel do Chavismo e do Lulismo na integração regional latino-americana

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About