Os discursos de celebração da 'Revolução de 1964'

Cardoso, Lucileide Costa

doi:10.1590/s0102-01882011000200008

Cited by 10 publications

(1 citation statement)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…Em Ombro a Ombro, fundado em 1988 por ex-membros da Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG) e da Associação de Diplomados da Escola Superior de Guerra (ADESG), é evidente o processo de tentativa de articulação dos interesses militares em torno do processo de transição democrática e, em especial, da corrida eleitoral. Um dos aspectos centrais em Ombro a Ombro e nos demais periódicos era a batalha pela memória do golpe de 1964, dimensionada pelo processo de transição, mas também as tensões entre militares, classe política e sociedade civil, inclusive a partir das discussões em torno dos processos dos crimes da ditadura (Cardoso, 2011 Em linhas gerais, pode-se afirmar que, do momento em que se constituiu o processo de transição democrática até o processo de delineamento das primeiras eleições para Presidente da República, em 1989, o cenário da extrema direita brasileira foi de grande ramificação e desarticulação. Ao passo que algumas expressões buscam articular-se na expressão de lideranças políticas ligeiramente consagradas (como Jânio Quadros), outras buscam articular-se nos referenciais em contrariedade aos movimentos sociais de esquerda (como Ronaldo Caiado).…”

Section: Neofascismo Extrema Direita E Novas Direitasunclassified

Neofascismo, “nova república” e a ascensão das direitas no Brasil

Neto¹

2020

revistaconhecer

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

ResumoCom a recente ascensão das direitas no Brasil, que culminou na eleição de Jair Bolsonaro, assim como de outros líderes da extrema direita, colocam-se em questão os impactos dessas novas formatações no campo político-partidário brasileiro e quais são os pressupostos e as filiações ideológicas. Além de categorias como "novas direitas", termos como "neofascismo" são utilizados indiscriminadamente para interpretar expressões e grupos dos mais distintos. A fim de colocar tais aspectos em questão, este artigo apresenta um apanhado das relações entre grupelhos neofascistas e forças político-partidárias no Brasil. Analisando desde a transição democrática até a eleição de Bolsonaro, investigaram-se as aproximações e disputas existentes entre grupelhos neofascistas e agremiações partidárias, a fim de compreender as diversas disputas existentes no campo da extrema direita brasileira ao longo da "Nova República". Palavras-chave neofascismo; novas direitas; partidos políticos. CONHECER: DEBATE ENTRE O PÚBLICO E O PRIVADO. V. 10 Nº 24/2020.1 121Con el reciente ascenso de las derechas en Brasil, que culminó en la elección de Jair Bolsonaro, así como en la elección de otros líderes de extrema derecha, se cuestionan los impactos de estas nuevas formaciones en el campo político-partidista brasileño y cuáles son los supuestos y las afiliaciones ideológicas. Además de categorías como "nuevas derechas", términos como "neofascismo" se usan indiscriminadamente para interpretar expresiones y grupos de los más distintos tipos. Para cuestionar estos aspectos, este artículo ofrece una visión general de las relaciones entre pequeños grupos neofascistas y fuerzas político-partidistas en Brasil. Al analizar desde el momento de la transición democrática hasta la elección de Bolsonaro, se investigaron las relaciones y disputas entre pequeños grupos neofascistas y grupos partidistas, para comprender las diversas disputas que existen en el campo de la extrema derecha brasileña a lo largo de la "Nueva República". Neofascismo, "Nueva República" y el ascenso de las derechas en Brasil Resumen Palabras clave neofascismo; nuevas derechas; partidos políticos. Key words neofascism; new right-wing groups; political parties.With the recent rise of right-wing groups in Brazil, which culminated in Jair Bolsonaro's election, as well as in the election of other far-right-wing leaders, the impacts of these new arrangements in the Brazilian political and partisan field are put into question, besides which assumptions and ideological affiliations are at stake. In addition to categories such as 'new right-wing groups,' terms like 'neofascism' are used indiscriminately to interpret the most varied expressions and groups. In order to put these aspects into question, this article brings an overview of the relations between little neofascist groups and partisan political forces in Brazil. By analyzing from the moment of democratic transition until Bolsonaro's election, the relations and disputes between tiny neofascist groups and partisan groups were investigate...

show abstract

Section: Neofascismo Extrema Direita E Novas Direitasunclassified

Neofascismo, “nova república” e a ascensão das direitas no Brasil

Neto¹

2020

revistaconhecer

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

Think Tanks, Business and Civil Society: The Ethics of Promoting Pro-corporate Ideologies

Barros¹,

Taylor

2018

J Bus Ethics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Think tanks became key political and economic actors during the twentieth century, creating and occupying an intellectual and political position between academic institutions, the state, civil society, and public debate on organization and management. Think tanks are especially active in setting frames for what constitutes politically and socially acceptable ways of thinking about economic activity and the rights or obligations of corporations. Their operation and influence has been acknowledged and analysed in political science and policy analysis, but in organization and management studies they are almost entirely ignored. In this paper, we review the existing literature on think tanks to develop an ethical-political framework based on a Gramsci's account of state-civil society relations, referring to historical case materials relating to a significant Brazilian think tank, the Instituto de Pesquisas e Estudos Sociais (IPES). We show how the IPES was successful in bringing then-controversial neoliberal perspectives on management and organization into mainstream political debate, where they could be discussed and ultimately accepted as morally and intellectually legitimate. We note the importance of management education and business schools with respect to think tanks in the development of a hegemonic pro-capitalist interpretation of corporate responsibility, and suggest this is worth more investigation. We conclude by outlining how think tanks are central to civil society acceptance of pro-corporate ideologies, how they might be researched regarding the ethical implications of the work they do, and how our approach provides a foundation for this.

show abstract

Impeaching Dilma Rousseff: the double life of corruption allegations on Brazil’s political right

Ansell

2018

Culture, Theory and Critique

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This essay analyses the 2016 congressional impeachment of Brazilian President, Dilma Rousseff, for alleged budgetary misconduct, as well as the related right-wing, 'anti-corruption' demonstrations calling for her ouster. I argue that Rousseff's impeachment was facilitated by a conflation of two models of 'corruption' operating in Brazil, one legal-behavioural and the other religious-ontological. What happened in 2016 was a tacit conflation of these two models, along with their associated regimes for construing evidence of guilt. More specifically, congressional deliberations on Rousseff's guilt allowed jurisprudential standards of evidence to be influenced by the evidential regime of the right-wing Fora Dilma ('Out Dilma') demonstrators. The demonstrators evinced Rousseff's corruption through a semiotic process I term 'cross-domain homology', a process that I claim is intrinsically dangerous for democracy because it invites a state of exception to the norms girding representative institutions. The concept of corruption leads a double life, both a secular, jurisprudential existence and a religious existence. In both realms, its life is abstract, but only in its legal sense can corruption, defined as the 'abuse of entrusted power for private gain', be operationalised as discrete misdeeds. 1 Such jurisprudential accusations of corruption lead to fact-finding procedures for assessing actions in violation of specific statutes. Alternatively, accusations of corruption that assume a quasi-religious (a non-denominational though vaguely Christian) valence, cannot be proven or disproven by facts concerning behaviour. This quasi-religious form of corruption inheres in what people are, rather than what they do, and so one is accused not so much of violating a law but rather of being a fallen person, one whose soul is in a reprehensible state. What I hope to show is that these two models of corruption, and their associated evidential regimes, can get mixed up in practice as the de jure legal model of corruption becomes a de facto 'secular avatar' of the religious model of corruption guiding institutional action (Anders and Nuitjen

show abstract

Os discursos de celebração da 'Revolução de 1964'

Cited by 10 publications

References 0 publications

Neofascismo, “nova república” e a ascensão das direitas no Brasil

Neofascismo, “nova república” e a ascensão das direitas no Brasil

Think Tanks, Business and Civil Society: The Ethics of Promoting Pro-corporate Ideologies

Impeaching Dilma Rousseff: the double life of corruption allegations on Brazil’s political right

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About