2003
DOI: 10.1590/s0034-73292003000100001
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Editorial - a política exterior: de Cardoso a Lula

Abstract: Os primeiros meses do governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva foram de transição. Comprovaram mais uma vez aquela racionalidade do Estado brasileiro que se sobrepõe às mudanças de regime, de partidos no poder ou simplesmente de governo. Lula, entretanto, foi eleito com base em dois argumentos de campanha: remediar o déficit social, ou seja, trazer para a sociedade de consumo e bem-estar mais de trinta milhões de brasileiros, e atenuar a vulnerabilidade externa do país. Para a política exterior, a vitória do Parti… Show more

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Cited by 11 publications
(12 citation statements)
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“…Finally, there are those who identify substantial changes between Cardoso and Lula, pointing to the different views which each had on configurations at the international level. According to Cervo (), Cardoso continued Collor's submission to the Global North, while Lula revived universalism and interdependency, as the negotiations on the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) were delayed during his term. Almeida () claims that Lula portrayed himself as standing for a stronger anti‐hegemonic stance than Cardoso, vocalising more opposition to American interests.…”
Section: Analytical Methodological and Ontological Limitationsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Finally, there are those who identify substantial changes between Cardoso and Lula, pointing to the different views which each had on configurations at the international level. According to Cervo (), Cardoso continued Collor's submission to the Global North, while Lula revived universalism and interdependency, as the negotiations on the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) were delayed during his term. Almeida () claims that Lula portrayed himself as standing for a stronger anti‐hegemonic stance than Cardoso, vocalising more opposition to American interests.…”
Section: Analytical Methodological and Ontological Limitationsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As novas iniciativas de cooperação sul-sul, pautadas na chamada não-indiferença, levaram à expressão "potência emergente e solidária" (Faria e Paradis, 2013), enquanto a tradição de não-intervenção e pacifismo foi reforçada por meio da defesa da "multipolaridade benigna" (Amorim, 2011: 265). Essas características romperiam com políticas anteriores de adaptação a certas normas e regimes internacionais e de maior convergência com as potências centrais (Cervo, 2003;Lima, 2005: 13;Vigevani e Cepaluni, 2007: 291-292). O governo Dilma Rouseff, embora tenha diminuído a intensidade das ações de política externa, não se afastou desses princípios (Malamud, 2011b;Cervo e Lessa, 2014).…”
Section: Entre Tradição E Inovação: Os Limites Do Brasil-potência Na unclassified
“…However, it is necessary to emphasize that although constituting strategic long-term actions, the initiatives had some particularities depending on the situational political project. Following this approach, it might be important to highlight the paradigm of the Logistic State, in which the economic aspects of the process have been privileged over safety issues (Cervo 2003), a policy that seems to be reversed within the scope of the CPLP, especially in light of the existing proposals in the National Defense Strategy of Brazil (Miyamoto 2009). However, Security and Defense cooperation initiatives have emerged.…”
Section: Technical Cooperation In Security and Defense: Brazil's Presenmentioning
confidence: 99%