2000
DOI: 10.1590/s0034-73292000000100014
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Abstract: Em seus capítulos, o livro apresenta uma certa diversidade de abordagens de ordem teórico-metodológica. A parte do Cervo é um trabalho bem sucedido na tradição da história das relações internacionais de Duroselle, tentando analisar forças mais profundas e grupos estratégicos dentro das duas sociedades que influenciaram a inserção internacional dos dois países, além de demonstrar o cotidiano da diplomacia. Diferentemente, os capítulos que compõem a segunda parte do livro, elaborados por Cavet, restringem-se aos… Show more

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“…The main difference between the two Estado Novo regimes lay in their leaders: whereas Portuguese António de Oliveira Salazar was a professor of economics with no patience for crowds, Getúlio Vargas was a populist leader who went on to mobilize Brazil's working classes. Such opposite governing styles did not stand in the way of the 1953 Treaty of Friendship and Consultation, which foresaw prior consultations on foreign policy matters of common interest (Cervo and Magalhães, 2000). Not even when Brazil granted asylum to General Humberto Delgado-who had unsuccessfully run against Salazar in the 1958 presidential elections, and had called into question the legitimacy of the ensuing results, to no avail-did this action tarnish the ideological affinity across the ocean (Gonçalves, 2003).…”
Section: Mimicking Corporatismmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…The main difference between the two Estado Novo regimes lay in their leaders: whereas Portuguese António de Oliveira Salazar was a professor of economics with no patience for crowds, Getúlio Vargas was a populist leader who went on to mobilize Brazil's working classes. Such opposite governing styles did not stand in the way of the 1953 Treaty of Friendship and Consultation, which foresaw prior consultations on foreign policy matters of common interest (Cervo and Magalhães, 2000). Not even when Brazil granted asylum to General Humberto Delgado-who had unsuccessfully run against Salazar in the 1958 presidential elections, and had called into question the legitimacy of the ensuing results, to no avail-did this action tarnish the ideological affinity across the ocean (Gonçalves, 2003).…”
Section: Mimicking Corporatismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Both countries have long held a symbolical role in each other's foreign agendas, due to historical-cultural connections rather than to geopolitical strategies (Barahona de Brito, 2005;Silva, 2007). Yet, despite being 'marked by paradoxes, exemplified by a rhetoric that gave common bonds a relevance that did not correspond to the facts' (Carvalho, 2016, ii), Portugal's status in Brazil and vice-versa persistently warrant regular accolades in political and academic circles (Cervo and Magalhães, 2000;Albuquerque and Romão, 2000;Knopffi, 2004). This state of affairs is best explained as much by historical promiscuity as by an oscillating narrative that falls back on fraternity in official speech and condescendence in informal exchanges.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%