Os índios vereadores, a câmara de Messejana e a formação do Estado nacional brasileiro no Ceará

Abstract

RESUMO Este artigo analisa a cultura política dos vereadores indígenas da vila de índios de Messejana e sua relação com a câmara municipal durante a formação do Estado brasileiro no Ceará. Essas lideranças atuaram no senado da vila desde a promulgação do Diretório dos Índios no século XVIII, mas suas prerrogativas foram usurpadas em nome da cidadania prevista na Constituição de 1824. Priorizando a produção documental da câmara municipal de Messejana, o artigo analisa os posicionamentos indígenas durante a voga liberal e como se processou a degradação de seus direitos com a formação do Estado nacional brasileiro.

Municipal rents in private hands: a comparative approach to the indirect collection of fiscal and judicial rights in medieval Loulé and Porto (late 14th - early 16th centuries)

“…In turn, the nobility also appears to be absent from the tax farming business, probably as a result of the town's privilege that forbade nobles to live or stay for long periods of time within urban limits. As such, it is unlikely that the five tax farmers identified as squires (Martim Afonso 175 , Nuno de Resende 176 , Heitor de Teives 177 , João de Oliveira 178 , and Diogo Lourenço 179 ), did belong to the nobility since that privilege remained in use until the beginning of the 16 th century 180 . In fact, even though the title of squire was usually associated with the lower ranks of that social group, throughout the 15 th century there was a growing tendency for members of the urban elite to use it as part of a process of osmosis and imitation of the nobility.…”

“…In fact, it seems that some of them held important functions in urban government, such as judge, town councilor, procurador, treasurer, and almotacé; as well as relevant positions in the royal peripheral administration, namely functions related to tax collection (e.g., recebedor das sisas). In addition, in 8 of those 16 cases, it appears that their participation in the tax-farming business preceded holding a public office (Vasco Eanes I 205 ; Martim Afonso 206 ; Lourenço Eanes 207 ; Diogo Dias 208 ; Álvaro Gil I 209 ; João de Oliveira 210 ; João André 211 ; João Gonçalves I 212 ), and may have served as a platform for social advancement; while in 8 other cases leasing municipal rents followed the exercise of public functions (Gonçalo Dinis 213 ; Afonso Eanes I 214 ; Vicente Eanes I 215 ; Álvaro Eanes 216 ; Nuno Resende 217 ; Heitor de Teives 218 ; João de Paiva 219 ; Diogo Lourenço 220 ), and might have been a way of sustaining proximity with the local power structures. Thus, it seems that in this town there was a wider variety of situations in terms of the role that tax farming might have played in fostering or reinforcing the tax farmers' political position.…”