This study focused on the context in which entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries (CCI) takes place. We investigated entrepreneurs' inspiration, which refers to a specific type of motivation that allows the transformation of creative ideas into creative products. To explain this, we operationalised 'passion for work', which measures how passionately engaged entrepreneurs are with their work, as well as 'localised passion', which measures the passion others in one's proximity have for their work. Ten locations throughout the Netherlands composed of creative entrepreneurs made up the setting of this study. Our results show that localised passion has two components (passion
Innovation is a term that is used and defined in many different ways. This holds for innovation in general, but particularly for innovation in the creative industries. In cultural policy and in academic literature, the creative industries are often addressed in the relation to their innovative capacities, yet a shared conceptualisation of innovation in this sector is lacking. This paper seeks to develop a conceptualisation of innovation in the creative industries based on 43 interviews with creative workers about their views and practices. Results indicate that creative workers articulate numerous views on innovation, with three main approaches: innovation as something completely new, innovation as a contribution to society and innovation as a continuous recombination of new and existing elements, with the latter being most prevalent in the creative industries and considered a central (by-product of the) process of creative production that is highly contextual to specific localities and fields.
Recently, the rapid global rise in co-working spaces and shared workspaces has sparked a re-emergence of the clustering debate. Similar to the presumed innovative potential of (creative) clusters, such spaces are assumed to possess the power contribute to their users' innovativeness. This paper explores whether and how co-working and co-location could stimulate interactions and collaborations that potentially foster innovation in the creative industries. By building upon 46 interviews with Dutch co-located creative entrepreneurs and workplace managers, we argue that agglomeration economies are rarely of an economic (or radical innovative) nature. However, coworking members socially benefit from reduced transaction costs, buzz and the exchange of (tacit) knowledge. Especially, we contend that through physical proximity and play, networks of surrogate collegiality can emerge. Such networks are vital in bridging the transition from creative and arts education to the development of a professional, entrepreneurial skill set, providing a fertile ground for potential innovative prospects. Nevertheless, as outlined by some of the critical approaches to clustering theory, proximity alone has not been a sufficient condition for collaboration and innovation. On the contrary, the conjunction of the professional and private sphere can be challenging for creative workers. Interpersonal frictions, rivalry and mismatching cultures of work have been issues that could be addressed by workplace managers.
Creative workers have a tendency to co-locate in creative places, and their locational decision-making processes have been the topic of numerous studies. Yet, the vast majority of research has traditionally focused on the quintessential creative cities and metropolises. Much less is known about locational decision-making practices of creative workers in the 'ordinary' second and third tier cities. This paper aims to explore the mechanisms behind colocation in these smaller cities by looking at the influence and importance of place reputation on the attraction and retention of creative workers. Based upon 43 interviews with co-located Dutch creative entrepreneurs in such cities, we argue that in the absence of the metropolitan appeal, place reputation serves a multifaceted, yet essential role. First, tapping into the global creative city narrative provided creative and/or professional legitimation, as well as personal inspiration. Second, respondents commodified this reputation in their branding practices, which subsequently functioned as a pull-factor for other creative workers. Therefore, even though we observed many creatives do not utilise their local networks in their daily professional or creative work, place reputation afforded the development and sustainability of local buzz and knowledge exchange in cities where these networks did not organically occur. ARTICLE HISTORY
The creative industries are often considered an important engine of innovation; in the creative sectors, but more importantly, also in the general economy. Yet, contrary to most of the knowledge industries, the creative industries are not thought to pursue innovation as a purposeful effort. This raises the question, that if innovation tends to happen unintentionally, which factors contribute to its nascence? Building upon a qualitative analysis of 43 interviews with entrepreneurs in the creative industries, this paper aims to obtain a better understanding of such creative industries innovation by studying how these entrepreneurs become (in their own perception) more innovative. Our findings show that entrepreneurs in the creative industries perceive their innovativeness to be caused by:(1) their own innovative traits and creativity, (2) external spatial, social, knowledge and work contexts stimulating an innovative state of mind, and (3) by means of serendipity, experimentation and inspiration found in creative practices.
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