Biopower is a form of power that regulates social life from its interior, following it, interpreting it, absorbing it, and rearticulating it. Power can achieve an effective command over the entire life of the population only when it becomes an integral, vital function that every individual embraces and reactivates of his or her own accord. Biopower points out the moment when human life explicitly became part of the political calculations. Beyond the regime of sovereignty, oriented by a logic of repression, emerges a new regime, oriented by a logic of production and control, that is, a power "to make live" or "to let die". For Negri and Hardt biopower constitutes social relations, inserting individuals and populations in a circuit of value, obedience, and utility. In cognitive capitalism capital presents itself as biopower. The point is that capitalism is not only an economic mode of production, but also a mode of life production, a mode of subjectivation. Therefore, it is not only about the reproduction of capital, but also about the reproduction of subjects, the effective producers of economic value. We are facing with the tendency of capital's invasion of bios, the becomingof-capital-biopower, to introduce the concept of biocapitalism. However, it is in this context that biopower and biopolitics must be seen as working together with other technologies of power - repressive and disciplinary power - which operate more directly on the body and on subjectivity. To the new forms of conflict are linked with new forms of power: from cognitive warfare to sharp power. Through cognitive conflict and sharp power strategies, we are witnessing an epochal change, an IT revolution that brings political conflict into a digital dimension, which acts on the ground of public opinion, politics and economics, control and conditioning of knowledge, of our world view and of facts. Zuboff introduces the concept of surveillance-based capitalism implemented via sophisticated algorithms of BigTech companies (Google, Apple, Amazon, Meta, and others). Digital networks do not only collect data on users, but they "cluster" these users with the help of algorithms and encourage specific desired behaviors. Then, the patterns of these behaviors are stored (as raw material of a kind) in Big Data and sold further as commodity (behavioral surplus) on the market. A persons "digital behavior" thus becomes a market subject in various ways. It is ubiquitous, sensate, computational, and global and it is designed so that all human activity, from the most banal to the boldest, can be monitored, measured, and modified for the purposes of surveillance capitalism This capacity to "shape human behavior", gives rise to what Zuboff calls "instrumentarian power" This is not dissimilar to forms of governmentality described by Foucault, because its goal is not just the "conduct of conduct" rather it is to turn people themselves into highly predictable instruments of political or material consumption. As a new form of subtle and sophisticated despotism, data are used by agencies as predictive products about our future behaviors, information that allows to control a market, but also the space for political decision-making and legitimacy, and, therefore become a huge power. Predictive behavioral surplus sources are increased and enhanced to guide, advise and lead people to behaviors, which they believe free, which actually aim for the greater profit of surveillance capitalists.
Multiculturalism is a logical extension of the politics of equal respect and the politics of recognition but it is not an inheritance of modern liberal state. In the area of Southeast Europe multiculturalism is known through centuries. By the collapse of Yugoslavia, new countries prioritized the strengthening the central state and creation one nation state, deleted memory of multiculturalism of past. When 1993 European Union, through Copenhagen criterion, stipulates condition for accession (respect and protection national minorities), countries of Southeast Europe faced with the implementation of multicultural standards based on assumption that policy of recognition and promotion ethno-cultural diversity can enlarge human freedom, strengthen human rights and democracy. Unlike west federal models, cultural autonomy exclude territorial autonomy, but include institutional autonomy, local government and right to use mother tongue. Models of the multicultural policy are numerous and dependable on political, social and cultural circumstances, but countries of Southeast Europe must accept multicultural future
Makedonija je još uvijek u procesu utemeljenja svog identiteta kao nezavisne države, procesu spornom ne samo unutar njenih granica, nego i izvan njih. Bez zaštite jugoslovenske federacije, Makedonija se našla nezaštićena pod udarima susjeda, a makedonski nacionalizam nalazi povoljne okolnosti svog isticanja što će znatno utjecati na makedonsko-albanske odnose u novoj državi. Od početka 90ih godina 20. stoljeća makedonski identitet je simbolično osporavan od strane susjeda, ali i realno od strane albanske manjine, koja se suprotstavlja političkoj i kulturnoj dominaciji. Unutarnje osporavanje nacionalnog identiteta je rezultat velikog broja različitosti između dvije etničke zajednice, što je i rezulturalo u povećanoj društvenoj segregaciji koju prati utemeljenje novih političkih identiteta i institucija po etničkim granicama. Vanjski izazov se može sažeti na slijedeći način: Bugarska se protivi zasebnom priznanju jezika i nacije; Srbija autokefalnosti crkve; Albanci državnosti, a Grci imenu države, nacije te nazivu jezika.
EU promotes norms which lack a basis in EU law and do not directly translate into the acquis communautaire EU. Limits of EU conditionality in the area of minority rights are visible in closer look at the EU’s monitoring mechanism, including Regular Reports, which locate EU’s minority criterion in the domestic political context. Reports have structure broadly follows the Copenhagen criteria. Serious efforts are needed for achieving practical results flowing from the implementation of the legislative framework pertaining to minority issues. The same factors also affected the mechanisms’ ability to influence that implementation. These factors concern the following: confusion regarding the juridical nature of the minority rights instruments, the vagueness or flexibility in the formulation of the standards, and unclarity as to the beneficiaries of the standards. Issue of soft instruments, vague norms and the lack of a definition of the beneficiaries of the norms will continue to trouble the minds of Governments, minorities, international mechanisms. EU must undertaking efforts to sharpen and further clarify the existing standards and to persuade Governments that existence of minority groups can enrich a society as a whole and that measures to preserve their specific characteristics will reduce the risks of violent conflicts. The case of Croatia, through Regular Reports, shows acceptation of European standards of minority protection in legal area, but with the limits in their implementation. In these circumstances Regular Reports describes attitude of EU toward minority issue; it is not priority of EU in accession process, difficulties in monitoring the implementation of minority issues and lack of precise definition norms in minority rights area
In this article author proves connection between liberalism and multiculturalism in individual‘s political freedom. Individual freedom connected with political participation, in multicultural contexts, can be shown as means to achieve group recognition demands. Liberal conception of liberty in multicultural context shows that a major interest of multicultural groups through political participation necessary respect individual’s liberty. Multiculturalism follows liberal demand for freedom of choice and participation as preconditions for self determination determined by the reason, but through politics of difference, because for multiculturalism is not acceptable liberal thesis of cultural homogenous society
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.
hi@scite.ai
10624 S. Eastern Ave., Ste. A-614
Henderson, NV 89052, USA
Copyright © 2024 scite LLC. All rights reserved.
Made with 💙 for researchers
Part of the Research Solutions Family.