Breast cancer mortality is significantly greater in African American women than in their Caucasian counterparts. The purpose of this study was to identify variables associated with the breast cancer screening behaviors of mammography utilization and breast self-examination (BSE) in a convenience sample of low income African American women. A total of 328 African American women, living in a large midwestern metropolitan area, who were at < or = 150% of poverty level, and between the ages of 45 and 64 years were included in this study. Data were collected over a period of 18 months. Predisposing, enabling, and need variables from Anderson's theoretical framework included perceived susceptibility, benefits, barriers, confidence, knowledge, physician recommendation, demographic characteristics, and past experiences, as well as health-care and insurance information. Variables that significantly predicted mammography utilization included perceived barriers, mammography suggested by health-care professionals, recent thoughts about mammography, and a regular medical doctor. Variables that significantly predicted either frequency or proficiency of BSE included susceptibility, benefits, confidence, knowledge, barriers, and a regular physician. Implications for clinical practice include (a) recognizing predictors of screening among low-income African American women; (b) addressing culturally specific barriers, e.g., cancer fatalism, in order to increase compliance with screening; (c) establishing consistency in primary care providers; and (d) increasing confidence and knowledge through education.

Across the world, there has been a movement from traditional to modern eating, including a movement of traditional eating patterns from their origin culture to new cultures, and the emergence of new foods and eating behaviors. This trend toward modern eating is of particular significance because traditional eating has been related to positive health outcomes and sustainability. Yet, there is no consensus on what constitutes traditional and modern eating. The present study provides a comprehensive compilation of the various facets that seem to make up traditional and modern eating. Specifically, 106 facets were mentioned in the previous literature and expert discussions, combining international and interdisciplinary perspectives. The present study provides a framework (the TEP10 framework) systematizing these 106 facets into two major dimensions, what and how people eat, and 12 subdimensions. Hence, focusing only on single facets of traditional and modern eating is an oversimplification of this complex phenomenon. Instead, the multidimensionality and interplay between different facets should be considered to gain a comprehensive understanding of the trends, consequences, and underlying factors of traditional and modern eating.

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MENON AND SHWEDERwith eyes bulging and tongue out, fully equipped with weapons in ten arms, garlanded with skulls, wearing a girdle of severed arms and heads, grasping a bloody decapitated head, and poised with her right foot on the chest of her husband, the god Siva, who is lying supine on the ground beneath her (Siva is the reigning deity of the temple town of Bhubaneswar where our research in Orissa [India] was conducted).The icon is a normative collective representation or core cultural symbol that is all about lajya and the meaning of the emotionally expressive act of biting the tongue. For the moment, we hazardously and inadequately translate lajya as shame (for a detailed discussion of the difficulties in translating lajya with any single term, such as shame, ernbarrussment, modesty, or shyness, from the English emotion lexicon, see Shweder, 1992; see also Parish, 1991). In the Oriya language, the linguistic expression "to bite your tongue" is an idiom signifying lajya. In towns and villages in India where Oriya is spoken, it is a good and powerful thing for a woman to be full of "shame" (lajya). The icon of the Great Goddess, in her manifestation as Kali, is the key to understanding why.Shame, happiness, and anger are three words for emotions in the English language. Were one to ask bilingual (Oriya-English) speakers for equivalent words in the Oriya language, they would most likely generate lajya (for shame), sukha (for happiness), and raga (for anger). When Anglo-American college students are asked to evaluate similarities and differences among shame, happiness, and anger using a triads test format (Which of the three emotions is most different from the other two?), they typically respond in one of two ways. A majority say that happiness is most different. Many say that shame is most different. Almost no one says that anger is most different. Those who say that happiness is most different have in mind some kind of hedonic component of comparison. They judge that it feels pleasant to be happy, but unpleasant to feel either shame or anger. Those who say that shame is most different have in mind that to experience happiness or anger is to feel expansive and full of one's self, whereas to experience shame is to experience a diminishment of the ego.On the other hand, Oriyas frequently say that anger (raga) is most different from the other two. They say that anger is destructive of social 242