In explanations offered for fear of crime, two different paradigms can be distinguished. The first considers fear of crime as a rational reaction to crime and victimization; the other views such fear as a representation of more general feelings of malaise. The paradigms suggest different research strategies and offer different explanations for the same empirical observations. The choice of paradigm therefore determines the meaning of the empirical findings and hence the policy implications that can be drawn from them. In this article, the authors describe the paradigms, illustrate the way in which they offer different explanations for the same observations, and try to empirically discriminate between them on the basis of crucial tests. The tests are performed on data for the Flemish (Belgian) population aged nineteen to thirty-six. The results support the view that fear of crime or feelings of insecurity should be seen mainly as a consequence of, on one hand, general feelings of malaise, vulnerability, and helplessness that can have many origins and, on the other hand, exposure to processes of communication that highlight crime and the risk of victimization.
Many studies have been conducted to examine the predictors of fear of crime among adults, but feelings of insecurity among children and adolescents have been practically ignored. The aim of this study is to search for relevant determinants of fear of crime in a representative sample of 1,212 Flemish (Belgian) adolescents, age 14 to 18, and one of their parents. The effect of parenting styles on the child's level of fear is investigated by means of (multigroup) structural equation modeling. The level of parental supervision (especially fathers) is associated with more fears being experienced by children. Active parental stimulation of participation in organized leisure activities results in lower levels of fear among female children. Parents who focus on independence and autonomy, in contrast, seem to raise boys who have lower degrees of fear. Other findings that relate to fear of crime in adolescence, such as gender differences and socialization, media and leisure patterns, and victimization and personal adjustment, are also discussed.
Using data from a 2002 representative survey of Flemish 75-year olds (adjusted n=1095), the aim of the present study is to identify the causes of societal malaise. The analysis reveals the great importance of the personal and physical well-being. Secondly, we observe a strong influence of socio-economic variables. The experience with unemployment during the active life-span still induces societal malaise, even at the age of 75. Actual material deprivation, as well as the deprivation experienced during childhood, also contributes to malaise. Furthermore, we notice higher levels of malaise in women and in respondents with a low level of education, even after controlling for economical hardship. This is probably due to their higher vulnerability, resulting from weak educational socialisation and the cultural coding of gender. Neither the media, nor the leisure time activities play a crucial role (this is in sharp contrast to findings concerning younger generations). The malaise of older people is decreased through integration in social networks and, to a lesser extent, active religious involvement.
Using data from a 2002 representative survey of Flemish 75-year olds (N = 1457), the aim of the present study is to identify the structures in and causes of subjective well-being. The analyses reveal the great importance of good health. Respondents with a good physical and mental condition, who have a great deal of functional mobility and independence, do feel much better. Secondly, findings indicate that respondents who faced the loss of their partner, experience lower well-being. This explains the found gender differences. Women have lower perceived quality of life, mainly because of their greater susceptibility to widowhood. Furthermore, missing the former job and work role also contributes to lower levels of well-being. Finally, respondents who can cope financially, who feel satisfied with their social contacts and who spend their time in an active way, have higher personal well-being.
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