Previous research indicates that conspiracy thinking is informed by the psychological imposition of order and meaning on the environment, including the perception of causal relations between random events. Four studies indicate that conspiracy belief is driven by readiness to draw implausible causal connections even when events are not random, but instead conform to an objective pattern. Study 1 (N = 195) showed that conspiracy belief was related to the causal interpretation of real‐life, spurious correlations (e.g., between chocolate consumption and Nobel prizes). In Study 2 (N = 216), this effect held adjusting for correlates including magical and non‐analytical thinking. Study 3 (N = 214) showed that preference for conspiracy explanations was associated with the perception that a focal event (e.g., the death of a journalist) was causally connected to similar, recent events. Study 4 (N = 211) showed that conspiracy explanations for human tragedies were favored when they comprised part of a cluster of similar events (vs. occurring in isolation); crucially, they were independently increased by a manipulation of causal perception. We discuss the implications of these findings for previous, mixed findings in the literature and for the relation between conspiracy thinking and other cognitive processes.

In the eighteenth century the worlds of diplomacy and poetry were inextricably connected. This is demonstrated by the work of the Dutch statesman and poet Willem van Haren (1710-1768), whose political poems played an important role in the negotiations of international political relations during the War of the Austrian Succession. Several poems were translated into English by the Irish poet Samuel Boyse and published in The Gentleman's Magazine. It is argued that the great interest in Van Haren's work in England can be clarified by the country's positioning in the European conflict, and by Anglo-Irish relations during the 1740s.

Using a multimethod approach, the current research tested the basic prediction that mindfulness is associated with interpersonal forgiveness. Across 5 studies, we found that mindfulness meditation, trait mindfulness, and an experimental induction of mindfulness, were positively associated with indicators of both dispositional forgiving tendencies, state levels of forgiveness regarding a past offense, and levels of perceived forgiving tendencies as rated by the romantic partner. Two studies examined the roles of perspective taking and rumination as potential mechanisms; results provided most consistent support for the role of perspective taking. The findings are discussed in light of the broader theoretical questions of when and how people forgive and how mindfulness may promote interpersonal functioning.

Why do romantic partners sometimes act in ways that potentially threaten relationship satisfaction and stability, even when strongly committed to the relationship? This article discusses research that has addressed this question by examining the role of executive control. We argue that executive control plays a particularly important role in relationship functioning when partners are faced with dilemmas between acting on self‐interest and acting on partner or relationship interest. We review the key findings in this domain, demonstrating that individual differences in executive control are positively associated with sacrifice, forgiveness, and the ability to resist the temptation of attractive alternatives. We conclude with proposing a theoretical model that integrates the role of motivation and capacity factors in promoting pro‐relationship responses and discuss promising areas for future research.

Although the topic of forgiveness has received much attention in research with adults, little is known about the precursors of forgiveness in children. This is unfortunate because research suggests that the capacity to forgive is associated with numerous beneficial outcomes, such as improved social relationships and psychological well‐being. In this article, we examine the determinants and consequences associated with children's propensity to forgive. In the first part, we focus on four determinants: the role of children's characteristics, the relationship between victim and offender, the peer group, and family background. We propose that these determinants—together and on their own—predict children's forgiveness. In the second part, we provide an overview of the consequences of children's forgiveness, both at intrapersonal and interpersonal levels. We close with suggestions for research.