Understanding how having children influences the parents' subjective well-being ("happiness") has great potential to explain fertility behavior. Most prior research on this topic is limited in that it uses cross-sectional data or has not considered modifying factors. We study parental happiness trajectories before and after the birth of a child using large British and German longitudinal data sets. We account for unobserved parental characteristics using fixed effects models and study how sociodemographic factors modify the parental happiness trajectories. Overall, we find that happiness increases in the years around the birth of the first child, then decreases to before-child levels. Sociodemographic factors strongly modify this pattern. Those who have children at older ages and those with higher socioeconomic resources have more positive and lasting happiness response to a first birth than younger or less educated parents. We also find that although the first two children increase happiness, the third does not. The results are similar in Britain and Germany and suggest that up to two, children increase happiness, and mostly among those who postpone childbearing. This pattern, which is consistent with the behavior emerging during the second demographic transition, provides new insights into the factors behind low and late fertility. Acknowledgements:We are grateful for comments from

The literature on fertility and happiness has neglected comparative analysis. we investigate the fertility/happiness association using data from the world values Surveys for 86 countries. we fnd that, globally, happiness decreases with the number of children. this association, however, is strongly modifed by individual and contextual factors. most importantly, we find that the association between happiness and fertility evolves from negative to neutral to positive above age 40, and is strongest among those who are likely to beneft most from upward intergenerational transfers. in addition, analyses by welfare regime show that the negative fertility/ happiness association for younger adults is weakest in countries with high public support for families, and the positive association above age 40 is strongest in countries where old‐age support depends mostly on the family. overall these results suggest that children are a long‐term investment in well‐being, and highlight the importance of the life‐cycle stage and contextual factors in explaining the happiness/fertility association.

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has led to a large increase in mortality in the United States and around the world, leaving many grieving the sudden loss of family members. We created an indicator—the COVID-19 bereavement multiplier—that estimates the average number of individuals who will experience the death of a close relative (defined as a grandparent, parent, sibling, spouse, or child) for each COVID-19 death. Using demographic microsimulation-based estimates of kinship networks in the United States, the clear age gradient in COVID-19 mortality seen across contexts, and several hypothetical infection prevalence scenarios, we estimate COVID-19 bereavement multipliers for White and Black individuals in the United States. Our analysis shows that for every COVID-19 death, approximately nine surviving Americans will lose a grandparent, parent, sibling, spouse, or child. These estimates imply, for example, that if 190,000 Americans die from COVID-19, as some models project, then ∼1.7 million will experience the death of a close relative. We demonstrate that our estimates of the bereavement multiplier are stable across epidemiological realities, including infection scenarios, total number of deaths, and the distribution of deaths, which means researchers can estimate the bereavement burden over the course of the epidemic in lockstep with rising death tolls. In addition, we provide estimates of bereavement multipliers by age group, types of kin loss, and race to illuminate prospective disparities. The bereavement multiplier is a useful indicator for tracking COVID-19’s multiplicative impact as it reverberates across American families and can be tailored to other causes of death.

Although the better-educated are more likely to practice healthy behaviors when measured at one point in time, there is no clear evidence regarding whether more educated people are more likely to initiate healthy behavior changes in the face of new chronic conditions and whether they are better able to adhere to these healthy changes, once made. I use data from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS) (1992–2010) to examine smoking cessation and starting physical activity by educational attainment over an 18-year period among 16,606 respondents ages 50 to 75. The more-educated are the least likely to smoke and most likely to be physically active in middle age. They are also most likely to make healthy changes overall and better adhere to them. Education also shapes behavior change after a new diagnosis, which likely contributes to socioeconomic status differences in chronic disease management and health outcomes.

During the transition to adulthood, many unhealthy behaviors are developed that in turn shape behaviors, health, and mortality in later life. However, research on unhealthy behaviors and risky transitions has mostly focused on one health problem at a time. In this article, we examine variation in health behavior trajectories, how trajectories cluster together, and how the likelihood of experiencing different behavior trajectories varies by sociodemographic characteristics. We use the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) Waves I to IV to chart the most common health behavior trajectories over the transition to adulthood for cigarette smoking, alcohol consumption, obesity, and sedentary behavior. We find that health behavior trajectories cluster together in seven joint classes and that sociodemographic factors (including gender, parental education, and race-ethnicity) significantly predict membership in these joint trajectories.