the text's very strength and relevance for social work ethics and practice probably lies in its ability to accommodate a spirit of caring, understanding and realistic optimism alongside a reasonably stringent mechanical process. It correlates rather than polarises the art and the science of social work. Don't be put off by the cover.
39 features of divorce law with a human story. The result is an easily read treatise in which dry, legalistic matter is brought to life by being embodied within a series of relevant anecdotes. Most aspects of the divorce process are covered concisely but in easily understood terms, with not a footnote to be found anywhere.Primarily, the author is making a plea to reduce the adversarial aspects which are all too common and damaging features inherent within the process of divorce. His concern over the harm caused to children of broken marriages, especially when they are used as &dquo;pawns&dquo; by disputing parents, is obvious and his remedy by way of a conciliated solution will find many adherents. This book will make valuable reading for Officers engaged in Divorce Court Welfare work and particularly so for those with less experience who will be taking up this function. BERNARD DOWNS Divorce Court Welfare Officer, The Law Courts, Hastings The Prison and the Factory DARIO MELOSSI AND MASSIMO PAVARINI Critical Criminology MacMillan; 1981; 243 pp; £5.95 pb. Abstract:Analyses the connection between the creation of penal institutions and regimes in Europe and the USA, and the problems of control generated by the emergence of capitalist social relations.No-one who wishes to understand the present prison crises in its real context can afford not to read this important book.
Executive SummaryPolice force numbers are driven by changing entry rates, not exit rates Police officers are not employees, as in other occupations.The absence of a contract of employment implies, among other things, that police officers cannot be made redundant.Changes in police officer numbers are largely driven by changes in the entry rate. Which officers leave, and what do they do next?The primary exit route for police officers is through ordinary retirement via the police pension schemes.Over the period 2004-05 to 2014-15, 62% of police officer exits from the force were ordinary retirements, while 7% were early retirements on the grounds of ill health. Less than one-third (27%) were voluntary resignations from the police force.Most police retire from the labour force on leaving the police service; those who remain in the labour force choose a variety of occupations.Of the third that leave the police (either through retirement or for other reasons) and continue in employment, 15% continue in protective services or elementary security occupations. However, the majority go to occupations not directly related to policing, including administrative and secretarial (25%) and associate professional and technical (19%) occupations.Leaving rates differ across police forces and this variation reflects the relative attractiveness of alternative occupations.We show that better outside local labour market opportunities (higher wages and lower unemployment rates) are statistically significantly associated with higher resignation rates across police forces. Those forces geographically close to London also have higher rates of exit through transfers. We find no evidence that variation in crime rates and workload affect exit from the police service.
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