Five studies (N = 1,189) examined how intellectual humility (IH) relates to acquiring knowledge (learning). IH was associated with more general knowledge, but was unrelated to cognitive ability, and associated with slightly lower GPA. Findings were also mixed for meta-cognition. IH was associated with less claiming of knowledge one doesn't have, indicating a more accurate assessment of one's knowledge. However, IH was also associated with underestimating one's cognitive ability. The differences may have resulted from using multiple measures of IH, each tapping unique aspects of the construct. Finally, IH was associated with a variety of characteristics associated with knowledge acquisition, including reflective thinking, need for cognition, intellectual engagement, curiosity, intellectual openness, and open-minded thinking. IH was also associated with less social vigilantism, which may promote collaborative learning. Finally, IH was associated with an intrinsic motivation to learn. These links may help explain the observed relationship between IH and possessing more knowledge.

Recent scholarship in intellectual humility (IH) has attempted to provide deeper understanding of the virtue as personality trait and its impact on an individual's thoughts, beliefs, and actions. A limitations-owning perspective of IH focuses on a proper recognition of the impact of intellectual limitations and a motivation to overcome them, placing it as the mean between intellectual arrogance and intellectual servility. We developed the Limitations-Owning Intellectual Humility Scale to assess this conception of IH with related personality constructs. In Studies 1 (n = 386) and 2 (n = 296), principal factor and confirmatory factor analyses revealed a three-factor modelowning one's intellectual limitations, appropriate discomfort with intellectual limitations, and love of learning. Study 3 (n = 322) demonstrated strong test-retest reliability of the measure over 5 months, while Study 4 (n = 612) revealed limitations-owning IH correlated negatively with dogmatism, closed-mindedness, and hubristic pride and positively with openness, assertiveness, authentic pride. It also predicted openness and closed-mindedness over and above education, social desirability, and other measures of IH. The limitations-owning understanding of IH and scale allow for a more nuanced, spectrum interpretation and measurement of the virtue, which directs future study inside and outside of psychology.

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Two studies were conducted about humility and religiousness-spirituality dimensions of the self. In Study 1, a sample of adults self-reported their religious affiliation, humility, and narcissism. We found Protestant and Catholic adults self-reported being more humble-modest than non-religious adults. In Study 2, college students self-reported humility-modesty, humility-arrogance, and religiousness-spirituality and were rated on these same qualities by a person who knew them well. Positive correlations were found between self and other-rated humility and between self-reported humility, religious values/beliefs, and religious-spiritual coping. Ratings of the participant as humble (relative to arrogant) were positively correlated with several facets of religiousness-spirituality. The magnitude of correlations was relatively unchanged when socially desirable responding was statistically controlled.

Sexism has deep roots in human history, including most religious traditions. Many religious organizations and traditions, including Judeo-Christian beliefs, subtly approve of and espouse sexism. Previous research has detailed how religiosity and sexism, particularly benevolent sexism, are positively correlated. Given these connections, we examined whether supraliminal or subliminal religious priming influences reported benevolent and hostile sexism in Belgium (Experiments 1-2) and the U.S (Experiments 3-4). Across four experiments, priming Judeo-Christian concepts increased self-reported benevolent sexism. In addition, differentiating types of religious primes into sub-groups of religious agent, religious institution, and spiritual words revealed that exposure to religious agent primes resulted in higher levels of benevolent sexism compared to other groups (Experiment 4). These results provide empirical evidence that religion can act to bolster benevolent sexist ideals, which reinforce an unequal relationship between men and women.