( N = 5,750) to reveal that cohabitation has spread significantly among younger cohorts and hence can no longer be considered as playing a marginal role in the family formation process.The process of family formation has undergone profound changes in all Western societies in recent decades (Billari, 2005). One of the key Sciences Po, Observatoire Sociologique du Changement,
This article analyzes changes in the division of routine domestic work after first parenthood. We wanted to know whether and how it was possible for couples to resist the trend toward traditionalization that has been shown in the literature. To do so, we analyze semistructured interviews with 27 Spanish couples who were expecting their first child in 2011 and interviewed them again in 2013. The couples were selected from a bigger sample because of their nontraditional practices preparenthood. Our results show that 17 of them were able to maintain a nontraditional division of domestic work, whereas 10 traditionalized. In our analysis, relative resources and time availability did not sufficiently explain the changes in the division of work, but specific characteristics of the division of work before childbirth—men’s active participation, the routinization of tasks, and flexible standards—emerged as key factors to resist the trend toward more traditional arrangements.
ResumenLa literatura sobre la división del trabajo doméstico ha mostrado la infl uencia del ciclo vital en la organización interna de las familias; en concreto, la llegada de los hijos parece tener un efecto importante en el reparto de las tareas. Este artículo examina el efecto de la parentalidad en el caso español, intentando comprobar si las parejas con hijos tienen repartos más tradicionales, en qué sentido, y si se aprecian cambios en este sentido a lo largo del tiempo. Para ello seguimos la estrategia empírica de Dribe y Stanfors (2009) para el caso sueco: se analiza el tiempo dedicado a diferentes actividades con las encuestas españolas de uso del tiempo de 2002-2003 y 2009-2010. Los resultados muestran que las familias con hijos muestran pautas de reparto del trabajo doméstico más tradicionales, que dependen, en gran medida, de la edad de los niños, y que esta tendencia resulta menos marcada en 2009-2010. Key wordsGender AbstractThe literature on the division of domestic work has revealed the infl uence of the life cycle on family organization. Concretely, the arrival of children seems to have a signifi cant impact on the division of domestic tasks. This article looks at the effect of parenthood in the Spanish case, examining whether couples with children have a more traditional division of work than couples without children, and if so, in what way, and whether there have been changes in this trend over time. For this purpose, we follow the the empirical strategy of Dribe and Stanfors (2009) for the Swedish case, analyzing the time devoted to different activities using data from time use surveys from 2002-2003 and 2009-2010. The results show that couples with children have a more traditional division of labor than couples without children, and that it is also affected by the age of the children. In addition, our fi ndings show this trend was less pronounced in 2009-10. Dominguez-Folgueras, Marta (2015). «Parentalidad y división del trabajo doméstico en España, 2002 Cómo citar 46Parentalidad y división del trabajo doméstico en España, 2002España, -2010 INTRODUCCIÓN 1 La entrada de las mujeres en la esfera pública ha sido uno de los principales cambios ocurridos durante el siglo XX en las sociedades industrializadas. Hasta entonces, la vida de las mujeres se había centrado en la esfera privada, especializándose en las labores reproductivas. Por eso, el incremento en el nivel educativo y en la participación laboral de las mujeres ha ocurrido de manera paralela a importantes cambios en la esfera familiar y reproductiva. Sin embargo, mientras que las mujeres iban ganando un mayor acceso a la vida pública, su responsabilidad sobre el trabajo reproductivo no cambió de la misma manera, y muchas mujeres se enfrentaron a un «doble turno» (Hochschild, 1989). Este doble turno se ha ido suavizando con el paso del tiempo: diferentes investigaciones han mostrado que, durante las últimas décadas del siglo XX y el comienzo del XXI, las mujeres han reducido signifi cativamente el tiempo dedicado a las tareas del hogar...
RESUMENEste artículo compara la distribución del trabajo doméstico en las parejas españolas casadas y cohabitantes, contrastando las hipótesis sobre recursos relativos frente a la construcción de género y considerando si el tipo de pareja in uye en la igualdad del reparto de tareas. Para examinar el grado de igualdad, se considera no sólo la contribución de cada miembro de la pareja al tiempo dedicado a las tareas, sino también quién hace qué: ciertas tareas son más restrictivas que otras y se investiga si hay diferencias de género y pareja asociadas a ellas. Los datos estudiados proceden de la Encuesta de Empleo del Tiempo (2002Tiempo ( -2003 y se analizan mediante modelos de regresión lineal. Nuestros resultados muestran que las parejas cohabitantes tienen una división del trabajo doméstico más igualitaria, y las parejas homosexuales una división característica. PALABRAS CLAVECohabitación; Matrimonio; Parejas del mismo sexo; Roles de género; Uso del tiempo. ABSTRACTThis article compares the gendered allocation of household labour between married and cohabiting couples in Spain, contrasting the relative resources hypothesis and the doing gender approach, and considering that the type of partnership in uences the equality of the housework division. In order to examine to what extent there is equality, we consider each partners' contribution to the total housework time, but also who does what: some tasks are more constraining than others and we investigate if there are gender and partnership differences speci c to those tasks. We analyse the Spanish Time Use Survey (2003), using OLS linear regression models. Our results show that cohabiting couples are more egalitarian, and that homosexual couples have a distinctive division of labour.
Family scholars have used several approaches to explain the division of domestic work: economic exchange, time availability, and gender. These are often presented as analytically different and competing perspectives, although the consensus in the literature is that all of them contribute to explaining the division of work. This article presents a critical appraisal of this literature that intends to move research forward in three ways: first, by highlighting how these approaches are empirically and analytically interdependent, and therefore should not be studied separately. Second, by arguing that one of them—the gender perspective—takes analytical precedence. The underlying argument is that both economic factors and time availability are not gender‐neutral and can thus be accounted for using a gender perspective. Finally, the article illustrates how using an integrative approach to gender—Risman's gender as a social structure—can provide a more fruitful way to analyze the gendered division of work.
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