The process of rice domestication occurred in the Lower Yangtze region of Zhejiang, China, between 6900 and 6600 years ago. Archaeobotanical evidence from the site of Tianluoshan shows that the proportion of nonshattering domesticated rice (Oryza sativa) spikelet bases increased over this period from 27% to 39%. Over the same period, rice remains increased from 8% to 24% of all plant remains, which suggests an increased consumption relative to wild gathered foods. In addition, an assemblage of annual grasses, sedges, and other herbaceous plants indicates the presence of arable weeds, typical of cultivated rice, that also increased over this period.

Recent increases in archaeobotanical evidence offer insights into the processes of plant domestication and agricultural origins, which evolved in parallel in several world regions. Many different crop species underwent convergent evolution and acquired domestication syndrome traits. For a growing number of seed crop species, these traits can be quantified by proxy from archaeological evidence, providing measures of the rates of change during domestication. Among domestication traits, nonshattering cereal ears evolved more quickly in general than seed size. Nevertheless, most domestication traits show similarly slow rates of phenotypic change over several centuries to millennia, and these rates were similar across different regions of origin. Crops reproduced vegetatively, including tubers and many fruit trees, are less easily documented in terms of morphological domestication, but multiple lines of evidence outline some patterns in the development of vegecultural systems across the New World and Old World tropics. Pathways to plant domestication can also be compared in terms of the cultural and economic factors occurring at the start of the process. Whereas agricultural societies have tended to converge on higher population densities and sedentism, in some instances cultivation began among sedentary hunter-gatherers whereas more often it was initiated by mobile societies of hunter-gatherers or herder-gatherers.D omestication offers an ideal laboratory for understanding evolution because it is a recent phenomenon in terms of geological time scales and because the selection pressures that affect harvestability by humans are often known (1). Domestication is a product of human behaviors that regulate or increase food supply, but may also inadvertently lock humans into an increased reliance on managed taxa (2). Archaeological research provides a fossil record of past organisms undergoing domestication, often accompanied by cultural artifacts associated with habitat management or niche construction (3, 4). The effects of agriculture in terms of intensifying land productivity to support larger populations has been fundamental to the development of civilizations and the ongoing impact on and management of ecosystems (5, 6). Domestications have occurred separately on different continents and in different cultural traditions, and thus represent a set of parallel experiments from which to infer recurrent processes (Fig. 1). In some cases this represents parallelism of phylogenetically related organisms that have been subjected to similar selection pressures and developed identical or similar adaptations in different places. In others, we can consider domestication as convergent evolution, in as much as similar adaptations have evolved across crops in different plant families. These parallel adaptations have been defined as the "domestication syndrome" (7, 8). A distinction can be made between true convergence, in which analogous states have been reached from very different and unrelated starting points, versus parallelism...

Major leaps forward in understanding rice both in genetics and archaeology have taken place in the past decade or so-with the publication of full draft genomes for indica and japonica rice, on the one hand, and with the spread of systematic flotation and increased recovery of archaeological spikelet bases and other rice remains on early sites in China, India and Southeast Asia. This paper will sketch a framework that coherently integrates the evidence from these burgeoning fields. This framework implies a reticulate framework in the phylogeny of early cultivated rice, with multiple starts of cultivation (two is perhaps not enough) but with the key consolidations of adaptations that must have been spread through hybridisation and therefore long-distance cultural contacts.Archaeobotanical evidence allows us to document the gradual evolutionary process of domestication through rice spikelet bases and grain size change. Separate trends in grain size change can be identified in India and China. The earliest centre of rice domestication was in the Yangtze basin of China, but a largely separate trajectory into rice cultivation can be traced in the Ganges plains of India. Intriguingly, contact-induced hybridisation is indicated for the early development of indica in northern India, ca. 2000 BC. An updated synthesis of the interwoven patterns of the spread of various rice varieties throughout Asia and to Madagascar can be suggested in which rice reached most of its historical range of important cultivation by the Iron Age. The distribution of wild rice and genetic diversity in domesticated ricesRice is a highly diversified crop, being grown from the equator to over 40°N, from sea-level ca. 2,700 m in parts of the Himalayas and in a wide ecological range of cultivation systems. Although there is much less ecological variation found within its wild progenitor complex (Oryza rufipogon and Oryza nivara), these are nonetheless distributed over a wide geographical range and a spectrum of ecological niches from permanent to seasonal wetlands. As the origins of cultivation must have developed in places where hunter-gatherers were utilising wild populations, the distribution of the wild progenitor, in the past when cultivation began, is a key element in identifying the origins of rice. There are three lines of approach to inferring this without archaeological evidence, including (1) the Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (

Prompted by a recent article by Jiang and Liu in Antiquity (80, 2006), Dorian Fuller and his co-authors return to the question of rice cultivation and consider some of the difficulties involved in identifying the transition from wild to domesticated rice. Using data from Eastern China, they propose that, at least for the Lower Yangtze region, the advent of rice domestication around 4000 BC was preceded by a phase of pre-domestication cultivation that began around 5000 BC. This rice, together with other subsistence foods like nuts, acorns and waterchestnuts, was gathered by sedentary hunter-gatherer-foragers. The implications for sedentism and the spread of agriculture as a long term process are discussed.

We review the origins and dispersal of rice in Asia based on a data base of 443 archaeobotanical reports. Evidence is considered in terms of quality, and especially whether there are data indicating the mode of cultivation, in flooded ('paddy' or 'wet') or non-flooded ('dry') fields. At present it appears that early rice cultivation in the Yangtze region and southern China was based on wet, paddy-field systems from early on, before 4000 bc, whereas early rice in northern India and Thailand was predominantly dry rice at 2000 bc, with a transition to flooded rice documented for India at c. 1000 bc. On the basis of these data we have developed a GIS spatial model of the spread of rice and the growth of land area under paddy rice. This is then compared with a review of the spread of ungulate livestock (cattle, water buffalo, sheep, goat) throughout the Old World. After the initial dispersal through Europe and around the Mediterranean (7000-4000 bc), the major period of livestock expansion is after 3000 bc, into the Sub-Saharan savannas, through monsoonal India and into central China. Further expansion, to southern Africa and Southeast Asia dates mostly after 1000 bc. Based on these two data sets we provide a quantitative model of the land area under irrigated rice, and its likely methane output, through the mid to late Holocene, for comparison to a more preliminary estimate of the expansion of methane-producing livestock. Both data sets are congruent with an anthropogenic source of later Holocene methane after 3000 bc, although it may be that increase in methane input from livestock was most significant in the 3000-1000 bc period, whereas rice paddies become an increasingly significant source especially after 2000 bc.